least of all malleable, long remained hard, unbending, and most vexatious neighbours. To say nothing of Florence, Pisa, or Genoa, it is well known that even in the diocese of Italy, properly so called, the Milanese had resisted the claims of the Pontiff down to the eleventh century; and during the twelfth, the country was covered with cities still fighting for liberty; but that, so very near to Rome, there should have been such a power or form of government as that of Venice, at once arrests attention as by far the most extraordinary point in European history. As this remarkable State, less than two hundred and fifty miles distant from Rome itself, arose before the old empire of Rome was swept away, endured through the barbarism of the northern irruptions, as well as through all the darkness ensuing, and was only extinguished by Napoleon within our own times, its history forms a connecting chain, if not the only one that can now be traced, between the Europe of the Romans, of the middle ages, and of modern history." With its internal feuds we do not interfere; but no survey, however brief, can be complete where Venice is overlooked.2

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An insignificant band of fugitives, in the fifth century, took possession of the rocks and little islands on the north-west shores of the

Adriatic sea. Cut off from all possessions on the mainland, not possessing one foot of land there for eight hundred years, but surrounded by their own marshes, they were at first ruled by magistrates sent down from Padua. This people, resolved to provide for their own security, form a government for themselves. "Detestation of the despotic authority or government of one man, and an inflexible determination to remain a separate and distinct people, were the two principles by which the Venetians were guided, and upon which they continued to act with the steadiness and success of a natural principle." At the close of the seventh century, indeed, they elected a chief magistrate, (the Doge, Dux, or Duke,) whose office was to continue for life, and the people to choose his successor; but his powers, though vast, were rendered next to nominal by those of the Council and the other magistrates. Without his Council the Doge durst not open an official letter, and much less do any thing official. Yet here, and at a moment when every prince in Europe was a vassal to the Emperor, either of the East or West, the Venetians, unsubdued, were rising to greater opulence and strength. Though Pepin fought against them with all his strength, they conquered, and

As early as the year 1268, a law passed in Venice, enjoining the Ambassadors of the Republic to note down and communicate whatever they could observe, and these curious as well as valuable reports, well known as the Venetian Relazioni, referring to all the courts of Europe, continued from time to time for above five hundred years. The last, full of striking and accurate information, relates to the commencement of the French Revolution in 1792.-Ranke. 2 For most of these facts as to Venice we are indebted to Daru or Sismondi, and an able article on the Venetian constitution in the Edinburgh Review, vol. xlvi.

put an end to all claims on their allegiance; Charlemagne had no choice left except to declare them independent.

At a much later period when we turn to Rome under successive Pontiffs, and their insatiable thirst for power; while the Doge of Venice convoked the people, whether from the different islands or the districts of the capital, for the purpose of choosing their own pastors and bishops; not one of whom, by fixed and original laws, could hold any civil office, whether of honour or emolument; to him belonged the power of installing these Bishops, as well as of awarding all ecclesiastical punishments. The assertion of such

rights, of course, could not be easily maintained, and more especially in the neighbourhood of a power which had determined to overshadow all the earth: but as the beginning of the thirteenth century may be truly regarded as the twilight of a better day, Venice, amidst her own rocks in the sea, will serve as a contrast to the entire surface of Europe, and prove the extent to which she had still secured her independence.

THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.

In our own country, at the commencement of this century, poor King John was actually promising to make his kingdom tributary to the Pontiff, with a proffer of not less than a thousand merks, or a sum equal to £20,000 now, over and above the old tribute: and although the Barons soon after wrested Magna Charta from him, to shew how low the kingdom had sunk, we find the Pontiff, at this same John's request, annulling the proceedings. The great charters, it is true, were confirmed by his successor, Henry III.; but the power of Rome was growing every day during his fifty-six years reign. It was then that the Pontiff was exclaiming—“ Truly, England is our garden of delight! It is an unexhausted well! and where so much abounds, much may be acquired." No wonder that he thus exulted, when his income from England was three times as much as that of the King on the throne."3 But, above all, in proof of the Pontiff's power towards the west, this was the era of that detestable persecution of the Albigenses, pursued with such hideous cruelty. The execrable measure, in which plunder was the grand object, was counselled, planned, and commanded by Rome.

Now, if we seek for any relieving contrast throughout the entire century, it is to Italy itself that we must turn our eye. Even in the neighbouring Republic of Florence, it is true, amidst the surrounding gloom, Dante had begun to sing, in his own style, about

3 Under Innocent IV. his revenue from England was 70,000 merks, that of the Crown was not 30,000.-Grossteste. After this it went on increasing.-M. Paris, Flores Histor.

paradise and the infernal regions, not forgetting to intermingle certain severe allusions with his poem; and, besides this, there was his treatise "Monarchia," distinctly hostile to the claims of Rome : but for the bolder contrast to the sentiments of all Europe, we must look to Venice. It is admitted that in the commencement of this century the Venetians had chosen to apply to Rome for an indulgence, but this was merely to facilitate a treaty with the Caliphs of Egypt. Eager to retain their commerce with the East Indies, they wished to open a communication between the Nile and the Red Sea; and had they succeeded, perhaps the trade might never have passed from their hands. Still, this application betrayed no disposition to bow allegiance. On the contrary, this ancient Republic had reigned, for more than two centuries, as Lords-paramount of the Adriatic: and although that gulf washed the shores of various States, those of the Roman Church among the number, not one of them dared to navigate it, or even fish in its waters, without a license from Venice, for which they paid a heavy tribute. When one sovereign Pontiff presumed to inquire, by what right they pretended to domineer there, the brief reply given was-" That sea is ours."

But the sea would not suffice any longer as the bounds of their sovereignty; and, therefore, about the middle of this century, they began to acquire land. Arvi in Romagna was taken under their special protection, much in the same style as the provinces of India have since been taken under that of Britain. This place belonged to the Church, and that in the opinion of the Emperor; but even he said not a word. It so happened, too, that the Venetians did not approve of any ecclesiastic engaging in war, and if he did, at their hands he must abide the consequences. The Captains-General of the Pontiff's troops, were dignitaries of his Church. Such a prisoner being taken, with his crosier, sceptre, and sword; the Venetians condemned him to ride, sitting backwards, on a mule, and preceded by the common crier, proclaiming-" Behold the wicked priest, who displeased God in his life, and was taken in iniquity." Such a proceeding, in the year 1274, had no parallel in any other part of Europe.

It was little more than seven years after this when the Pontiff, Martin IV., having, in his customary style, given the sovereignty of Naples to Charles of Anjou, and proclaimed a crusade against the lawful heir, chose also to excommunicate the Venetians because they would not unite in the outrage. But was the result similar to that which ensued, in all other nations? On the contrary, for three long years, no priests officiated, no prayers were offered in their churches, and without yielding, they allowed the Pontiff to die! His successor, Honorius IV., at last succeeded, and removed the inter

dict. There had indeed been one condition, and that was no other than that the Inquisition should be admitted. But here, again, the terms were unprecedented, triumphantly sufficient to destroy its character, and point out Venice as an exception, if not a signal, to all other countries. The negotiation for this end, had, in all cases, no other than political objects in view, and the Court of Rome had persevered with Venice throughout the successive reigns of ten Pontiffs; but the termination only shewed the superior sagacity and continued power of the Republic. Thus-if three ecclesiastics were to take cognizance of heresy there, then they must be subject to the control of magistrates chosen by the Great Council; and if there were to be three such judges, one of them must be a natural subject of the Republic, the Bishop of Venice. But again, if these three men were to derive authority from the Pontiff, then they could not sit down on their tribunal, without a commission in writing from the Doge. If they were to convict of heresy in any instance, then every Jew and even Turk must be free, as not belonging to the Pontiff's community; nay, and every member of the Greek Church, as their controversy with Rome was still undecided. Moreover, no usurer was to be seized by them, though one of the most desirable of all characters; because, though violating the precepts of religion, he did not dispute its dogmas; no blasphemer, because though guilty of irreverence, he was not of schism or innovation; nor even any bigamist, because the second marriage was a violation of a civil bond. In short, at a period distinguished for general blindness or pusillanimity, here was one exception to both. The Venetians negotiated with their eyes open, and were not to be outwitted. The interests of commerce were with them superior to every other consideration, and to preserve it from all injury or vexatious interruption, the sovereign Pontiff himself must still keep his distance.

The century closed at Venice by a marked alteration in this singular Government, or the exchange of the Republican form for that hereditary and severe Aristocracy, which became the diplomatic model of its day. But it is unnecessary to pursue the subject farther. We have come to the commencement of another century, and our assertion thus far is proved. The Pontiff and his fellows, had been all along more potent at a distance, than at home under their native sky; and the one great lesson afforded by the Italian Republics, and especially Venice, was this, that the power of Rome, when at its height, was resistible. This too becomes still more worthy of notice, inasmuch as the freedom enjoyed in these commercial states was not that which we now understand by the term-far from it. In numerous instances, the lives, the property and even the honour of the citizens were not secured; but in ages

when the reason of mankind had been subdued, and their rulers were reduced to vassals, these lesser communities, under an Italian sky, had proved what reason and the power of resistance could do. Two hundred years before Henry the Eighth was born, Venice had shewn that Rome's loudest thunder might fall innocuous to the ground. Immovable and unshaken, and though uniting some of the most odious practices of despotism with the name of liberty, yet bent upon securing certain rights, and prosperity to commerce, a mere handful of people in the adjoining sea had continued to testify to the millions of Europe, that the power they so much dreaded might be braved with impunity.

Thus terminated the thirteenth century, but we are still more than two hundred years distant from the period when the Sacred Scriptures were first printed in the vernacular tongue; and yet both centuries may now be viewed with considerable advantage as an approach or gradual introduction to that important event.

THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.

In the course of the fourteenth century, whether we look to Germany, to Italy, or our own country, the events are equally interesting, and full of promise. Within the first of these, the influence of that singular confederation, called the "Hanse Towns," had begun to be felt. The league, by this time, included more than sixty cities. These had commerce for their common object or bond of union; but they were the germs of future freedom, and ultimately contributed, in no inferior degree, to the protection of individual rights. Thus early was Divine Providence in operation with a view to a better day. At the same time, nothing can be more natural than that an Italian author should claim for his country the precedence of all other nations, whether as to the science of government, or the revival of learning. He is well entitled to speak out; and on account of the result, he ought to be first heard, not only in this, but more especially in the next, or the fifteenth century.

"The science of governing men for their advantage," says one of the ablest native authorities, " of developing their individual faculties, intellectual and moral, for their greater happiness-that political philosophy, began in Europe only with the Italian Republics of the middle ages, and from thence diffused itself over other nations." Again, "The Italians, in the fourteenth century, discovered, as it were anew the ancient world: they felt an affinity of thoughts, hopes, and tastes with the best Latin writers, which inspired them with the highest admiration. Petrarch, and particularly Boccaccio, passed from this study to that of Grecian antiquity; and on the solicitation of the latter, the Republic of Florence in 1360 founded