STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, IN COUNCIL, June 1, 1780.

Ordered, That Moses Gill, Henry Gardner, and Timothy Danielson, Esquires, be and hereby are appointed a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Simeon Howard, and return him the thanks of this Board for his Sermon delivered yesterday before both Houses of the General Assembly; and to request a copy thereof for the press.

True Copy.

Attest,

SAMUEL ADAMS, Secretary.

EDITOR'S PREFATORY NOTE.

"AT the commencement of the dispute, in the first effusions of their zeal, and looking upon the service to be only temporary, the American officers entered into it without paying any regard to pecuniary or selfish considerations. . . . . . It is not, indeed, consistent with reason or justice to expect that one set of men should make a sacrifice of property, domestic ease, and happiness, encounter the rigors of the field, the perils and vicissitudes of war, to obtain those blessings which every citizen will enjoy in common with them, without some adequate compensation. It must also be a comfortless reflection to any man, that, after he may have contributed to securing the rights of his country at the risk of his life and the ruin of his fortune, there would be no provision made to prevent himself and family from sinking into indigence and wretchedness." These were among the reflections presented by Washington, in January, 1778, to a committee of Congress on the causes of the numerous defects in the military establishment. He recommended a "half-pay establishment," or life pension to the officers after the close of the war. Besides," he added, "adopting some methods to make the provision for officers equal to their present emergencies, a due regard should be paid to futurity. Nothing, in my opinion, would serve more powerfully to reänimate their languishing zeal, and interest them thoroughly in the service, than a halfpay establishment. This would not only dispel the apprehension of personal distress, at the termination of the war, from having thrown themselves out of professions and employments they might not have it in their power to resume, but would, in a great degree, relieve the painful anticipation of leaving their widows and orphans a burden on the charity of their country, should it be their lot to fall in its defence." May 15th, 1778, Congress passed resolves which for a time relieved the distresses of the army; but the inability of the public to perform their engagements, and the depression of public credit in subsequent years, "caused such dis

contents and uneasiness, that alarming consequences were feared." If the national and state credit should now be depreciated "sixty for one of specie, and even government take it at forty for one," its condition in 1780, or seventy-five for one of specie, or even one hundred and twenty for one, as was the case in 1781, and this distress be in the midst of war against the greatest power in Christendom, and the evil be aggravated by the timid, sordid, and unscrupulous who infest every community, and the future be darkened by an uncertainty discouraging to even the most hopeful and patriotic, even in success,1 — all this would fail to impress us with the actual distress of that period. The terrible experience of the inefficiency of the "confederacy," having authority over states only, and not over the people, the individuals of the nation,- was the cause of its abandonment, and the adoption of the present Constitution, beginning, —“WE, the people of the United States."

The author of the following discourse needs no other memorial of his generous mind, sound judgment, and enlightened principles, than may be found in his own pages. He fitly succeeded the gospel minister and patriot, the Rev. Dr. Mayhew, in his pastorate of the West Church of Boston, May 6, 1767, and was distinguished for the gentle virtues, mildness, benevolence, charity; yet, says Dr. Allen, "he heartily engaged in promoting the American Revolution, and participated in the joy experienced on the acknowledgment of our Independence." He was a native of Bridgewater, Massachusetts, born May 10, 1733, graduated at Harvard College in 1758, and, after a prosperous ministry of thirty-seven years, died August 13, 1804, and was succeeded by the Rev. Dr. Lowell. The present constitution of Massachusetts was now before the people, waiting for their adoption, and Mr. Howard's sermon was a consideration of the principles of free civil government, and of the character and conduct of civil rulers essential to its administration. The constitution was adopted by the popular vote, but not with unanimity. The government was organized October 25, 1780, and John Hancock was chosen the first governor. 2

1 Congress, in its appeal to the states, September 13th, 1779, declared that "that period had past" when honest men could doubt of the success of the Revolution. The greatness of Washington, the immense cost of our liberty, the intolerable wrongs and cruelties of the war, cannot be appreciated without a study of the financial history of the Revolution -the most painful and gloomy, yet one of the most instructive chapters in our history. See Ramsay, Marshall, Washington's Letters, and Felt's Massachusetts Currency. 2 Barry's History of Massachusetts, iii. 177-182.

DISCOURSE VIII.

ELECTION SERMON.

THOU SHALT PROVIDE OUT OF ALL THE PEOPLE ABLE MEN, SUCH AS FEAR GOD, MEN OF TRUTH, HATING COVETOUSNESS; AND PLACE SUCH OVER THEM TO BE RULERS. - Exodus xviii. 21.

ALMIGHTY God, who governs the world, generally carries on the designs of his government by the instrumentality of subordinate agents, hereby giving scope and opportunity to his creatures to become the ministers for good to one another, in the exercise of the various powers and capacities with which he has endowed them. Though, for the vindication of his honor, to dispel the darkness and give a check to the idolatry and vice which overspread the world, and in order to prepare mankind for the reception of a Saviour, to be manifested in due time, God was pleased to take the Jewish nation under his particular care and protection, and to become their political law-giver and head; yet he made use of the agency of some of that people in the administration of his government. The legislative power he seems to have reserved wholly to himself, there being no evidence that any of the rulers or assemblies of the people had authority to make laws; but the judicial and executive powers were intrusted with men. At the first institution of the government, Moses seems to have exercised the judicial authority wholly by himself. In this business he was employed from morning till even

ing, when Jethro, his father-in-law, the priest and prince

of Midian, came to visit him. This wise man - for such he surely was observed to Moses that this business was too heavy for him, and what he was not able to perform alone; and therefore advised him to appoint proper persons to bear the burden with him, provided it was agreeable to the divine will. Moses, it is said in the context, hearkened to the voice of his father-in-law, and did all that he had said. There can be no doubt but that God approved this measure, though it was first suggested by a pagan, otherwise it would not have been adopted. It seems, indeed, to have been highly expedient, and even necessary. From whence it appears that even in this government, which was so immediately the work of God, room was left for men to make such appointments as by experience should be found necessary for the due administration of it. The general plan was laid by God, and he was the sole legislator. This was necessary in that age of darkness, idolatry, and vice. Mankind seem to have been too ignorant and corrupt to form a constitution and a code of laws in any good measure adapted to promote their piety, virtue, and happiness; but God left many smaller matters to be regulated by the wisdom and discretion of the people. This is agreeable to a general rule of the divine conduct, which is, not to accomplish that in a supernatural or miraculous way which may be done by the exertion of human powers.

It is said in the context that, in compliance with the advice of Jethro, Moses chose able men, and made them rulers; but it is generally supposed that they were chosen by the people. This is asserted by Josephus, and plainly intimated by Moses in his recapitulatory discourse, recorded in the first chapter of Deuteronomy, where he says to the people, "I spake unto you, saying, I am not able to bear