after William the Conqueror, and least of all in the time of the Long Parliament, or under Oliver Cromwell. They had then little more liberty, civil or religious, than is now enjoyed in the confederate provinces. Never talk of the liberty of our forefathers: English liberty commenced at the Revolution. And how entire is it at this day! Every man says what he will, writes what he will, prints what he will. Every man worships God, if he worships him at all, as he is persuaded in his own mind. Every man enjoys his own property; nor can the king himself take a shilling of it, but according to law. Every man enjoys the freedom of his person, unless the law of the land authorize his confinement. Above all, every man's life is secured, as well from the king, as from his fellow subjects. So that it is impossible to conceive a fuller liberty than we enjoy, both as to religion, life, body, and goods.

22. Do not you see then the abundant cause we have to be thankful to God, who having "made the whole nation of men, determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation," in that he hath cast our lot in a fair ground, under the mildest government upon earth? Are not we of all men without sense, if, instead of thankfulness, we give way to murmuring and discontent, and finding fault with we know not what? In all reason, we should be perpetually praising God for this as well as for a thousand other benefits, and endeavouring to make him a suitable return, by devoting our lives to his service.

23. And as long as we fear God, shall we not “ honour the king?" looking upon him with a love mixed with reverence? Should we not remember him before God in prayer, that his throne may be established in righteousness? that he, and all which are in authority under him, may duly administer justice, to the punishment of wickedness and vice, and the maintenance of true religion and virtue? And is it not our part carefully to abstain from speaking evil of the ruler of our people; and to study to "lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty?" Hitherto I have addressed myself to my countrymen in general. But I would add a word to you in particular, who bear a religious character; whether you are members of the Established Church, or Dissenters of any denomination.

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One might reasonably expect, that all of you would be cheerfully subject to the higher powers;" seeing you are agreed, "there is no power," whether supreme or subordinate, "but of God." Nay, one would expect that you would be continually reminding all you had any intercourse with, that they "must needs be subject, not" only "for wrath, but" also "for conscience' sake." How is it, then, that any of you espouse the cause of those that are in open rebellion against their lawful sovereign? that, if you do not plead expressly for them, you at least extenuate their crime; perhaps even scruple to call them rebels, and speak of them with tenderness, rather than resentment? How is it that any of you who fear God "are not afraid to speak evil of dignities?" to 'speak evil of the ruler of your people," as well as of those that are put in authority under him? Do you believe that "Michael the archangel durst not bring a railing accusation against Satan?" And dare you bring or retail a hundred railing accusations against your lawful governors? Now, at least, humble yourselves before God, and act more suitably to your character. Wherever you are, far from countenancing,

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repress the base clamours of the vulgar; remembering those awful words: "If any man among you seemeth to be religious," (rather, be ever so religious,) " and bridleth not his tongue, that man's religion is vain."

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Are not you who dissent from the Established Church, in whatever kind or degree, particularly concerned to observe this "for wrath" as well as "for conscience' sake?" Do you imagine, there are no High Churchmen left? Did they all die with Dr. Sacheverel? Alas, how little do you know of mankind! Were the present restraint taken off, you would see them swarming on every side, and gnashing upon you with their teeth. There would hardly need a nod from that sacred person whom you revile, or at least lightly esteem. Were he to stand neuter in what a condition would you be within one twelve months! If other Bonners and Gardiners did not arise, other Lauds and Sheldons would, who would either rule over you with a rod of iron, or drive you out of the land. Know the blessings you enjoy. Let common sense restrain you, if neither religion nor gratitude can. "Beware of the wrath of a patient man." Dare not again to open your lips against your sovereign lest he fall upon you? No; but lest he cease to defend you. Then farewell to the liberty you now enjoy.

:

Permit me to add a few more words to you, a small part of whom dissent from, but the far greater part remain in, the Church; you, who are vulgarly called Methodists. Do any of you blaspheme God or the king? None of you, I trust, who are in connection with me. I would no more continue in fellowship with those who continued in such a practice, than with whoremongers, or Sabbath breakers, or thieves, or drunkards, or common swearers. But there are not a few who go under that name, though they have no connection with us; yea, though they cordially hate us as dreadful heretics, for believing that "God willeth all men to be saved;" who hate the king and all his ministers only less than they do an Arminian; and who speak all manner of evil of them in private, if not in public too. (But many of them are of a better mind.) But suffer me to ask, Is this well done? Is it gratitude? Is it prudence? In the name of wonder, what could his majesty have done for you which he has not done? What would you have? Can you tell? What can you desire more than you have already? Have you not full liberty of conscience in every respect, without any shadow of restraint? In what other nation under the sun is such religious liberty to be found? Have you not full liberty, with regard to your life, to your person, and to your goods? In what other country upon earth is such civil liberty to be found! If you are not thankful to God and the king for these blessings, you are utterly unworthy of them. Is it prudence to speak in so bitter and contemptuous a manner of such governors as God has given you? What, if by the bitterness of your spirit, the acrimony of your language, and the inflammatory libels which you spread abroad, you could carry your point, unhinge the present government, and set up another in its stead! what would you gain thereby? Would another government allow you more liberty than you now enjoy? Could they give you a more unbounded liberty of conscience? It is impossible! Would they give you a larger measure of civil liberty? They could not if they would. And certainly they would not give you the liberty of railing at

your governors, and stirring up your fellow subjects against them. It you did this, you would not only lose your goods, but probably your life also. On the other hand, what if the present government should continue in spite of all your disloyal practices! have you any assurance, have you any reason to believe, that our governors will always be so patient? Nay, undoubtedly, when things of greater moment are settled, they will find a time for you. Your present behaviour will then be remembered; perhaps not altogether to your advantage. It is not the ignorance but the wisdom of your governors which occasions their present silence. And if you go on thus, be assured, sooner or later, 'you will meet with your reward. There is no need that the king should do any thing: He needs only not to restrain; that is enough: There are those on every side who are now ready to swallow you up. You will then wish you had been wise in time, when your wisdom comes too late; when the King of kings "laughs at your calamity and mocks while your fear cometh."

A SERIOUS ADDRESS

ΤΟ

THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND, WITH REGARD TO THE STATE OF

THE NATION.

[PRINTED IN THE YEAR 1778.]

FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN,-I would fain lay a few plain considerations before you, before all men of candour and common sense, who are not so totally swallowed up of prejudice as to be incapable of hearing reason. I beg you to weigh the matter calmly; not to be overborne by noisy or wordy men, but to use your own senses, your own eyes and ears, and your own understanding. Do not run away (as many do) with part of a story; but hear the whole, and then judge, Have patience to lay all circumstances together, and then you may form a just judgment.

A solemn inquiry was lately made concerning the state of the nation. If such an inquiry were properly made, so that the real state of the nation might be clearly and distinctly shown, it might be attended with excellent consequences. It might enable the legislative power to redress or prevent numerous evils. And it might lead those who conduct public affairs to take the most effectual measures for promoting the solid and lasting welfare of all their fellow subjects.

On the other hand, if such an inquiry were improperly made, and consequently the state of the nation misrepresented,-if it were repre sented as far worse than it really is,-exceeding bad consequences might follow. It would naturally tend to disturb, to frighten, to discourage the people. It would tend to depress and sour their spirits, to embitter them against others, and to make them disaffected to his majesty, and all that act under him. It would make them utterly unthankful to God,

for all the blessings that surround them; the ready way to weaken our hands, and strengthen the hands of our common enemies. Should not then an inquiry of so important a nature be made with the greatest accuracy? And in order to this, should not the question be stated with all possible exactness? But in a late inquiry, I cannot find that the question was stated at all. The inquirers jumped into the midIdle of it at once, in defiance of all logic and common sense. "The state of the nation" is a very vague and indeterminate expression; so indeterminate, that, if the meaning of the phrase be not fixed before the inquiry concerning it is begun, men of eloquence may make vehement speeches, of two or three hours long, while neither the speakers nor the hearers know what they are talking about. And speeches of this kind tend to inflame, not to inform, our honest countrymen. They are calculated, not to bring light, but fire; to raise the nation into a flame.

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may

But to come to the point: you are desirous to inquire concerning the state of the nation. But what is it you would know concerning it? Certainly, whether it be prosperous or not?" In what respects? It be prosperous in one respect, and not so in another. Tell us coolly and distinctly, what is the question? And what is it you would prove? It is this: "Is not the nation ruined?" Ruined! What can you mean? The great men of another nation asked the king, "Knowest thou not that Egypt is destroyed?" How was it destroyed? Why, all the cattle of Egypt were killed by the murrain. And not only all the flax and corn, all the wheat and barley were consumed, but the locusts had devoured every herb and leaf, and left no green thing in the land.

Countrymen, judge! Is England thus destroyed? Are all our cattle killed? Have you no oxen, or cows, or sheep, or swine?—no horses, mules, asses left? Whatever be the case elsewhere, are not a few of them left alive in London? Is all your corn destroyed? Look round upon the fields; is there no green thing left? See with your own eyes. You do see, that there is as fair a prospect, as has been for many years. I can testify, that for more than half a century, there has not been greater plenty, either of cattle or vegetables of every kind, than there is at this day. England therefore is not destroyed. "But is it not in the high road to destruction? What is its present state? good or bad? increasing or decreasing?"

Increasing or decreasing, in what respects? I beg leave to offer you, on this head, some of the most sensible remarks I have seen on the subject, with some little variations and additions :

"The state of the nation has respect to nine capital articles; population, agriculture, manufactures; the land and fresh-water carriage of goods, salt. water carriage of goods; the state of our fisheries at home and abroad, the tendency of our taxes, the clear amount of the revenue, and the national debt, All of these, taken together, form that complex idea which we call 'the state of the nation.'

"In order therefore to know the state of the nation, we should compare each of these articles, as they subsist at present, with the like articles as they subsisted in some former period, in order to see whether our national affairs have gone backward or forward since that time. And what time more proper than the year 1759?—that period of glory and of conquest, when every thing was supposed to go right, as we are told that every thing now goes wrong." 1. "In regard to population, it is to be feared that our numbers have VOL. VI.

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decreased since the year 1759." This has been boldly affirmed, and that over and over; yet I cannot allow it by any means; and I have such opportunities of being informed as few persons in England have; as I see almost all the large towns in the kingdom, once in two years at least, and can therefore make these inquiries on the spot, as minutely as I please.

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We may allow, that within this time, twenty or thirty thousand English soldiers have been sent abroad. Allow, likewise, seventy or eighty thousand emigrants, from England and Scotland only. Hereby there is a decrease of a hundred thousand, within less than twenty years. I read likewise, in a very beautiful poem, of a Deserted"-what? province county? metropolis? No-"Village," somewhere on the Wiltshire Downs! Yet not quite deserted; for a gentleman who lives there informs me, he cannot learn, it has had more inhabitants within these hundred years, than it has at this day. I allow too, that some of the villages near the Land's End are less populous than formerly; but what is all this loss, taken together, in comparison of the increase? I cannot but think there has been, within twenty years, an increase of more than a hundred thousand, in six cities and towns only; I mean, in London, Bristol, Birmingham, Sheffield, Manchester, and Liverpool. Do not you see with your eyes in all these places, not only houses, but whole streets added continually? And can any one persuade you, in the mean time, that there is no increase of inhabitants? And yet some have wonderfully affirmed that there is a decrease of inhabitants even in London! Why do they not affirm, there is a decrease of houses too! When I see one, I will believe the other.

And it is not only in cities and large towns, as some have intimated, but even on commons, heaths, and mountains, yea, all over the Peak of Derbyshire, that you may see little houses (and many not very little) shooting up on every side. And does not this denote an increase of people? Or are they inhabited only by rats and mice? Considering these things, which I have seen with my own eyes, I cannot doubt one moment but England has a million more inhabitants than it had twenty years ago.

2. "As to agriculture, what was the state of it last year, compared with the state of it in 1759? Has it advanced or declined since that time? You may judge by considering a very few particulars. Are your old farm houses, barns, out houses, tumbling down? And are no new ones erected? Are your old enclosures, fences, drains, running to decay, and no new ones making? Is there less land tilled and improved now, than there was in 1759 Nay more, as is notoriously known, by many hundred thousand Are our farmers in general grown poorer than heretofore? Are their stocks of hay and corn, of sheep, horses, and cattle diminished? Are they not exceedingly increased? I will add no more. Let those who affirm we are on the brink of ruin show how greatly our agriculture is decreased since the happy days of 1759!"

acres.

3. Again: inquire, my friends, " In what respects and in what degree have any of our manufactures declined of late? Perhaps there is some decrease in a few branches, of weaving in particular. And this must be in the nature of things, while fashions are continually changing; so that a large deinand for this or that commodity cannot be expected to continue long. But is not this decrease in some branches amply compensated by the increase in others? Let it be more particularly inouired. Are the capital places less employ