1776.

SESSION OF PARLIAMENT.

227

CHAPTER XXI.

SESSION OF PARLIAMENT-DEBATES ON AMERICA-INCREASE OF THE CIVIL LIST-ADMISSION OF STRANGERS-SEVERITY OF THE CRIMINAL LAW-GENERAL BURGOYNE'S EXPEDITION-CONVENTION OF SARATOGA.

Royal speech.

PARLIAMENT reassembled for the usual autumnal session in October, a few days after the despatches announcing the battle of Brooklyn and the occupation of New York had arrived in England. These events, together with the expulsion of the rebels from Canada, formed the principal topics of the royal speech, and justified the hope which it expressed, that such successes would prove decisive. This intelligence had been received with satisfaction throughout the country. The bulk of the people, indeed, are always ready to applaud the success of the British arms, without much reference to the wisdom or justice of the cause in which they are engaged; but there were many of more moderate and rational views, who thought the Americans deserved to suffer for their haughty and obstinate rejection of the conciliatory advances which had been made on the part of this country. The extreme opinions on either side chiefly found utterance in Parliament. Lord Sandwich, on the part of the ministers, with his usual violence of language, declared that he would risk everything rather than acknowledge the independence of America. He would hazard every drop of his blood, and the last shilling of the national treasure, sooner than

228

VIOLENT LANGUAGE OF THE MINISTERS. CH. XXI,

Britain should be set at defiance, bullied, and dictated to by her ungrateful and undutiful children, her disobedient and rebellious subjects. The Duke of Grafton, on the other hand, expressed his abhorrence of the measures hitherto pursued, and meant to be adhered to, in respect of America. Lord Shelburne denied that people taking up arms in defence of their property, their privileges and inalienable rights, were rebels; and he fully vindicated the conduct of the Americans on revolution-principles.* The language and conduct of the Opposition both in public and private expressed entire sympathy with the Americans. Lord Chatham thought himself justified in going the length of withdrawing his son, Lord Pitt, an officer on General Carleton's staff, from active service. Fox, in a letter to the head of the Whig party, alludes to the affair of Brooklyn and the capture of New York, in language more suitable to a member of Congress than to a member of the British Parliament. He is not, he says, dismayed by the terrible news from Long Island, but maintains that if America should be at our feet-an event which he prays God to avertshe will be entitled to the terms which were recommended by the Opposition before the Declaration of Independence.†

Lord Cavendish's motion.

The Whigs continued their protest against the American policy of the Government, in the shape of a parliamentary motion, which could lead to no practical result. Lord John Cavendish moved for a committee of the whole House, 'to consider of the revisal of all Acts of Parliament by which Her Majesty's subjects in America think themselves aggrieved.' A long debate ensued, and if eloquence could have prevailed, the Opposition would have obtained an easy victory. Both Fox and Burke spoke in their best manner, and were feebly answered

*Parl. Hist. vol. xviii.

† Fox to Lord Rockingham. Correspondence, vol. i. p. 145.

1776.

REAPPEARANCE OF LORD CHATHAM.

229

by the Solicitor - General Wedderburn and Lord George Germaine. But the division showed a further diminution of the small parliamentary support they had hitherto obtained. Upon this result the principal members of the Rockingham party seceded from Parliament, coming down for private business, but ostentatiously withdrawing when the orders of the day were called.*

Opposition of

The only effects of such conduct were to enable the ministers to pass their measures with more facility. Fox resumed his attend- Fox. ance in Parliament soon after the Christmas recess, and vigorously opposed Lord North's Bill for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, so far as regarded persons charged with high treason in North America. Chatham, also, after a long absence, caused by a return of the mysterious malady which had afflicted him ten years before, reappeared in the House of Lords, and made an American motion. He now proposed to concede all the demands of the colonists, except independence. But the time was passed when a resolution so qualified, even if it had been adopted by the unanimous sense of Parliament, could have produced any effect. The Americans were determined on adhering to their assertion of independence; and the language with which Chatham recommended his last proposal was such as to justify their determination, and encourage their resistance. He repeated what he had always maintained, that the subjugation of America by arms was impracticable. "You have been three years,' said he, teaching your opponents the art of war; they are apt scholars, and I will venture to affirm that the American gentry will furnish officers fit to command the troops of all the European powers. You have employed forces too

* In consequence of this secession, there was great difficulty in making or keeping a

House for the transaction of business. Public Advertiser, November 21, 1776.

230

EXTRAORDINARY CIVIL LIST.

CH. XXI.

Chatham,

numerous for peace, too limited for war.' indeed, hardly disguised his opinion, that the question was already beyond the reach of compromise; and he supported his motion chiefly on the ground that it would produce unanimity at home, and might cause division among those who must at length be considered as our enemies. Lord Gower, representing the Bedford party, which had always advocated arbitrary measures towards the colonists, declared that it was only a question whether France or England should possess America. The idea of America becoming free and independent, he said, was altogether visionary. Chatham's motion was ably supported by Lord Shelburne, but was rejected by a still greater majority than that which had defeated similar attempts in former sessions.

Increase of the
Civil List.

It became necessary for the minister, during this session, to come down to Parliament, and, for the second time since the commencement of the reign, to ask for an extraordinary vote in aid of that branch of the public expenditure which was more immediately under His Majesty's control. It will be recollected that George the Third at his accession had surrendered the hereditary revenues of the Crown, and in lieu thereof had received 800,000l. a year for life. Out of this ample revenue some of the public services were to be provided for; but after all these charges were defrayed, there was sufficient for the maintenance of the Crown in becoming dignity and splendour. Yet Lord North had to ask Parliament for 600,000l. for the liquidation of pressing demands, and for an addition to the Civil List of 100,000l. a year, to redress the difference between income and outlay. In other words, the minister proposed that the King's private revenue should be increased by about one-third. The immediate exigencies of His Majesty were, many of them, of a most humiliating character. Some of the tradesmen.

1777. DISTRESS OF THE KING'S TRADESPEOPLE.

231

who supplied the palaces with common necessaries were reduced to great straits for want of their money. Many had not been paid for years: the coal-merchant dunned in vain for his bill, amounting to 6000l. The wages of the menial servants were six quarters in arrear.* This discreditable state of things was the almost necessary result of the vicious principle on which the Civil List was based. Parliament could not demand an account of the dispensation of a fund which they had placed at the personal disposal of the Sovereign; but the greater part of this fund was appropriated to public purposes, and was therefore, to that extent, a public account. But no vouchers were produced, no audit-books were examined; and beyond certain fixed salaries of public functionaries, Parliament had no knowledge either of the purposes to which the vast surplus of the fund had been applied, or of the purposes for which the new grants were required. That much of the money had been spent in parliamentary corruption is more than probable; that much had been wasted or misapplied is certain. The royal establishment was a refuge for petty placemen. The household swarmed with officers for whom it was difficult to find even names. There were treasurers, comptrollers, cofferers, masters, stewards of the household; there was the whole Board of Green Cloth; there was the department of the chamber, of the great wardrobe, of the removing wardrobe, of the robes; there was the turnspit of His Majesty's kitchen, who was a member of Parliament. For the accommodation of this legion of officers, twenty-three tables were kept, or rather charged. All these functionaries drew their salaries regularly, while the King's grocers and footmen were unpaid. A sum equivalent to nearly the whole amount of debt for which Parliament was required to provide had

* Lord Talbot's Speech in the House of Lords.