tinual indulgence, and for the late inftance of favour we have experienced from parliament, in enabling us, confiftent with our religious tenets, to give a legal proof of our fentiments upon these points. And we humbly hope, that the alacrity and eagernefs with which we have feized this firft, though long wifhed opportunity of testifying, in the most folemn and public manner, our inviolable fidelity to your majesty, our real principles, and our good-will and affection towards our fellow fubjects; will extinguifh all jealoufies, and remove thofe imputations, which alone have hitherto held us forth in the light of enemies to your majefty, and to the state. And if any thing farther can be fuggefted or devised, whereby we can by our actions, more fully evince our fincerity, we fhall confider fuch an opportunity of demonstrating our real loyalty, as an high favour, and fhall be deficient in no act whatever, which does not amount to a renunciation of that religious profeffion which we value more than our lives, and which it cannot be fufpected we hold from obftinacy or a contempt of the laws, fince it has not been taken up by ourselves, but has, from time immemorial, been handed down to us from our ancestors. We derive no fmall confolation, moft gracious fovereign, from confidering, that the most severe and rigorous of the laws against us had been enacted before the acceffion of your majefty's illuftrious house to the throne of these kingdoms: kingdoms we therefore indulge the more fanguine hopes, that the mitigation of them, and the establishment of peace, industry and universal happiness, amongst all your loyal fubjects, may be one of the bleffings of your majefty's reign. And though we might plead in favour of fuch relaxation, the exprefs words of a folemn treaty, entered into with us, by your majesty's royal predeceffor, king William, (which has been forfeited by no difobedience on our part) yet, we neither wish, nor defire, to receive any thing, but as a mere act of your majefty's clemency, and of the indulgence and equity of your parliament. That That this act of truly royal beneficence and justice, may be added to the other inftances of your majesty's auguft virtues, and that the deliverance of a faithful and diftreffed people, may be one of those distinguishing acts of your reign, which fhall tranfmit its memory to the love, gratitude and veneration of our latest posterity, is the humble prayer of, &c. &c. Fingall Dillon Kenmare Cahier Trimbleston Valentine Brown Thomas Dillon Richard Talbot Charles White Robert Caddell N. Deafe John White John Baggot Edward Faneftall Tyrrel O'Reily And above three hun- Having given a brief account of the fate of the catholics of this kingdom fince the revolution to the prefent time, groaning under the oppreffive weight of the popery laws: I fhall now conclude with the following extract from the observations of that judicious and impartial writer, Mr. Young, on the State of Ireland; and leave the candid and unprejudiced reader to judge of the cruel treatment and long fufferings of these people. "It is no fuperficial view I have taken of this matter in Ireland, and being at Dublin at the time a very trifling part of thefe laws was agitated in parliament, I attended the debates, with my mind open to conviction, and auditor for the mere purpose of information: I have converfed on the fubject with fome of the moft diftinguished characters in the kingdom, and I cannot after all but declare that the fcope, purport, and aim of the laws of discovery as executed are not against the catholic religion which encreases under them, but against the induftry, and property of whoever profeffes that religion. In vain has it been faid, that confequence and power follow property, and that the attack is made in order to wound the doctrine through its property. If fuch was the intention, I reply, that feventy years experience prove the folly and futility of it. Thofe laws have crushed all the industry, and wrested most of the property from the catholics; but the religion triumphs; it is thought to encrease. Those who have handed about calculations to prove a decrease, admit on the face of them that it will require FOUR THOUSAND YEARS to make converts of the whole, fuppofing that work to go on in future, as it has in the paft time. But the whole pretence is an affront to common fenfe, for it implies that you will leffen a religion by perfecuting it all history and experience condemn fuch a propofition. The fyftem purfued in Ireland has had no other tendency but that of driving out of the kingdom all the perfonal wealth of the catholics, and prohibiting their industry within it. The face of the country, every object in short which presents itself to the eye of a traveller, tells him how effectually this has been done. I urge it not as an argument, the whole kingdom speaks it as a fact. We have seen that this conduct has not converted the people to the religion of government; and instead of adding to the internal fecurity of the realm, it has endangered it : if therefore it does not add to the national profperity, for what purpose but that of private tyranny could it have been embraced and perfifted in? Mistaken ideas of private interest account for the actions of individuals, but what could have influenced the British government to permit a system which must inevitably prevent the island from ever becoming of the importance which nature intended!" Young's Tour in Irel, vol. ii. p. 48-9. APPENDIX. APPENDIX. No. I. From the MSS. Trinity College, Dublin. A brief Declaration of the Government of Ireland; opening many Corruptions in the fame; discovering the Discontentments of the Irishry; and the Caufes moving thofe expected Troubles: and fhewing Means how to establish Quietness in that kingdom honourably, to your Majefty's profit, without any encrease of charge. [Wrote in the government of Sir William Fitz-Williams, who was fix years lord deputy in Ireland; that is, from the year 1588 to the year 1594.] By Captain THOMAS LEE, 1594. Anno Regni Reginæ 37°To the Queen's most excellent Majesty. UNDERSTANDING, moft gracious fovereign, the proud and infolent terms the lords of the north of Ireland do now ftand upon, it maketh me bold to fet down my knowledge of those parts to your majesty, because I have debated often with the chiefs of them, what was fit they fhould yield unto your majesty; and that it was unmeet for them in any fort to condition with your highness: in the end (after long debating) they seemed fomewhat to like and allow of that which I demanded, as hereafter shall appear. And because your majefty may the better judge the caufes of their difcontentments, I have here fet down the unconfciable courfes which have been held towards them, which being remedied, and that they may see your majefty doth no way allow of the fame, there is no doubt (notwithstanding all their proud fhews of difloyalty) but that they may be brought to dutiful obedience, and to yield you that profit which neither your majefty now hath, nor any of your progenitors ever had; fo as they may likewise have that which they demand, being nothing unfit for your majefty to grant. In which discourse, if any thing should seem unpleafing to your majefty, I humbly befeech you to pass it over, and to perufe the reft, whereof I doubt not, but fomething will content your highness, for that it tendeth to your highness's service and commodity. My My meaning, whereby your highness's profit may arife, is by O'Donnel, Maguire, Bryan Oge O'Roirke, and Bryan Oge McMahon. The demands I made for your majefty were thefe, that they fhould receive your majefty's forces into their countries: and your laws to go current, as they did in other places; and fome part of their countries to be referved for your majesty, to difpofe unto them who fhould govern them, and they to charge themselves with that proportion that was fit for them to bear. To thofe demands they all yielded, so that they might have fuch gentlemen chofen, as they knew would use no treachery nor hard measures towards them, but to live upon that which your majefty would allow; and that which they would give of their free confents, and to be no further charged; and they would be as dutiful as any other country in Ireland now is. And how this may be performed, I have made bold with your majesty's favourable liking, here to fet down upon my knowledge, both how your majefty's forces may be received with their confent, and they to yield great profit in difcharge of that which your majesty allows to the foldiers, and the foldiers to be well fatisfied. The cause they have to ftand upon thofe terms, and to seek for better affurance, is the harsh practices used against others, by those who have been placed in authority, to protect men for your majefty's fervice, which they have greatly abufed and used in this fort. They have drawn unto them by protection, three or four hundred of these country people, under colour to do your majesty service, and brought them to a place of meeting, where your garrifon foldiers were appointed to be, who have there most dishonourably put them all to the fword; and this hath been by the confent and practice of the lord deputy for the time being. If this be a good courfe to draw these favage people to the ftate, to do your majefty fervice, and not rather to enforce them to ftand upon their guard, I humbly leave to your majesty. When fome one who hath been a bad member (pardoned by your majefty) hath heard himself exclaimed upon to be a notable thief after his pardon; and hath simply come in without any bonds, or any other enforcement, to an open feffion, to take his trial, by your majefty's laws, if any could accuse him: notwithstanding his coming in after this manner, and without any trial at the time (because he was a bad man in times past) there hath been order given in that feffion for the execution of and fo he has loft his life, to the great dishonour of your majesty, and difcredit of your laws, him; There |