early risen to opulence and distinction by her commercial activity. But, from a spirit of petty rivalry, she became engaged in a series of wars with Genoa, until, at the battle of Meloria, in 1284, her navy was totally destroyed, eleven thousand of her citizens taken prisoners, and her maritime empire annihilated. Despoiled of her political importance, she became a prey to successive tyrants, and was at last laid prostrate at the feet of Florence. The prosperity of her enemies was, however, so far from being augmented by their triumph, that the slavery of Pisa, by depriving Italy of the commerce of one of its most flourishing states, proved a general misfortune to the country; and to Florence, the acquisition of this and many other apparently valuable prizes served only to diminish her internal resources, and to create a source of perpetual weakness and alarm.* In the meantime, the power and arrogance assumed by Genoa, after the humiliation of her rival, contributed to awaken the jealousy of Venice, and led to a long course of sanguinary wars, by which both parties were at last so exhausted as to be willing to accept the mediation of the duke of Savoy. At the peace thus negotiated in 1381, Genoa obtained only the isle of Tenedos, one of the original subjects of dispute, and but a poor indemnity for her losses; while Venice was obliged to surrender the greater part of her territorial possessions to the king of Hungary. Indeed that prince, and Francis Carrara, were the only gainers by the event of the late protracted quarrel. From this epoch may be dated the decline of Genoa; her navy dwindled into insignificance, her commerce went to decay, and the fifteenth century was (until modern times) the most ignominious period of her annals.

Through a series of similar occurrences, the smaller states of Italy were gradually swallowed up by the larger. The number of those who had an interest in the prosperity of their common country was thus continually diminished:† the inhabitants of the conquered provinces, no longer concerned in the preservation of liberty, were disposed to revolt at the first appearance of danger, or even to welcome the prospect of a more distant master. Thus prepared, Italy presented, in the fifteenth century, a fitting theatre for the contentions of transalpine powers. The fertility of her soil, the mildness of her climate, and the peculiar inducements to commercial enterprise

afforded by her geographical situation, had enabled her, earlier than any of the other states of Europe, to recover from the disastrous effects of barbarian invasion; while the freedom bequeathed to her by the weakness of her oppressors had contributed to exalt her to a station of intellectual and political eminence. But all these advantages had been offered up to the demon of war, and national independence was the consummation of the sacrifice. The beautiful plains of the Adige and the Po were for half a century ravaged by the armies of the stranger, and long ages of suffering and degradation have been the fruit of those sanguinary struggles which once formed the glory and boast of the Italian republics.

In reviewing the early history of Switzerland, we enter upon ground long held sacred to the cause of liberty and patriotism. May it be approached with no intention of depreciating those inestimable blessings, or of attempting to palliate the guilt of oppression! At a period when all Europe was convulsed by the struggle between feudal claims on the one hand, and the awakening spirit of freedom on the other, the inhabitants of Switzerland would have been more than human had they risen above the sentiments of their age, and opposed tyranny with no other arms than those of moderation, justice, and invincible resolution. Yet, to a practical application of the lessons of history, it is absolutely necessary to discriminate between actions which, both in their motives and tendencies, demand our unqualified approbation, and others, which, though interwoven with the same events, may nevertheless be of a totally opposite character. It will be seen that the annals of Switzerland occasionally exhibit instances of generosity and noble endurance, which, from the nature of their results, afford a fair presumption of the beneficial consequences that might have ensued from a more extended application of the same principle; but it must also be observed whether the various wars in which the nation engaged during the period under examination were, in fact, simply defensive and indispensable to the preservation of their liberty, and whether even those in which there existed the least provocation on their side were not in the end productive of the usual pernicious effects upon the morals and interests of the successful party.

As far as regards the House of Austria, there can be no dispute concerning either the character or consequences of these wars. They

began in an undue thirst of dominion, and invariably terminated in mortification, disgrace, and merited discomfiture.*

The

The early rise of liberty among the Swiss can be attributed to no cause so probable as to the exemption which their mountainous situation afforded from the conflicts which, after the fall of the Roman empire, desolated the rest of Europe.† Hence the middle classes were not kept down by the depressing influence of the feudal system, and the military services with which it was connected, true conservative principle of the freedom thus acquired, was exemplified in the simple firmness of some shepherds of Schwitz, who, in 1144, refused to yield their native right of pasture to the encroachments of the monks of Einsidlen. These peasants remained unmoved under the ban of the empire, and the excommunication of the church, continuing to trade with the neighbouring cities and to tend their cattle as before, unaided and undaunted. About the year 1307, Albert, Duke of Austria and Emperor of Germany, not satisfied with the allegiance which the people of the Waldstetten rendered him as head of the empire, formed a project of uniting those cantons, together with his own feudal territories, into an hereditary appanage of his family. In order to subdue opposition, instead of commissioning, as had been usual, an imperial governor of rank to act as their judge in criminal cases, he sent them two of his inferior dependents, who endeavoured, by every species of oppression, to vanquish the inflexibility of the mountaineers. A spirit of resistance was excited, and remonstrance proving vain, a small band of the injured natives assembled to concert the means of redressing their grievances. On this memorable occasion, it was unanimously resolved that "the counts of Nassbourg should be deprived of none of their lands, vassals, or prerogatives, and that their bailiffs, their officers, and attendants should not lose a single drop of blood." One exception alone occurred to the fulfilment of their determination,—the assassination of Gesler by William Tell; and this action, however held up to the applause of subsequent ages, was condemned at the time by many of his own friends, as at once culpable in itself, and materially

* The biographer of the House of Austria mentions several of its princes who died in a state of hopeless despondency in consequence of the failure of their ambitious projects.-Coxe's Memoirs of the House of Austria.

+ Mackinnon's Essay on Public Opinion.

Plantas History of the Helvetian Confederacy.

endangering the success of their cause. Landenburg, the colleague of Gesler, was afterwards seized with all his châtelains, and carried to the frontier under an injunction never to return. The death of Albert, inflicted by his own relations and adherents, in revenge for his unjust encroachments upon their privileges, providentially intercepted any designs of vengeance he might have entertained.* His successor in the imperial throne, Henry of Luxembourg, admiring the forbearance that had been displayed by the Swiss, treated them with distinguished favour, granted an ample confirmation of their sole dependence upon the empire, and exemption from all foreign jurisdiction.

It was, however, to be expected that the House of Austria would watch for the first pretext for prosecuting their schemes of unprincipled ambition. This pretext was unfortunately furnished by the Swiss themselves. A quarrel broke out between the people of Schwitz and the monks of Einsidlen.† The former, not content with repelling the insults they had received, and obtaining a conciliatory award from the emperor, adopted measures of retaliation. Shortly after this occurrence, there arose a contest for the imperial dignity between Frederic of Austria and Louis of Bavaria. The majority of the Swiss cantons zealously took part against their ancient enemy, although that neutrality was in their power is evident from the example of Berne. Leopold, brother to the Duke of Austria, was also advocate to the abbey of Einsidlen, and availing himself of the double plea thus afforded, he attacked the Swiss with a considerable force. The battle of Morgarten ensued, and the cause of independence was triumphant; but the Swiss appear to have gained nothing by the contest, besides a confirmation of privileges they already possessed. Among the various hostile operations which succeeded the battle, one circumstance is related which strikingly illustrates the natural tendency of generous and pacific dispositions, even when exercised towards an enemy. Soleure having embraced the cause of Louis, was besieged by Duke Leopold, when a sudden inundation of the river endangered the lives of a number of his men. Immediately the inhabitants, forgetful of all hostile considerations,

put off in boats, and rescued the sufferers. The Duke was so touched hy this instance of magnanimity, that he requested to be received into the town, and agreed to conditions of peace. None of his wars ever terminated so much to his advantage.*

Successive acts of oppression, on the part of the Austrian government, led to a defensive confederacy among several of the Swiss cantons. Some of these cantons pursued their object by measures the most moderate and pacific. In others, the cause of liberty was disgraced by injustice and bloodshed. The results were in general exactly correspondent with the character of their origin. Lucerne, injured in her commerce and population by forced contributions to the military expeditions of Austria, sought admission into the confederacy; but made, at the same time, a reservation of all the lawful prerogatives of the House of Austria. The Dukes Albert and Otho were so favourably inclined by the spirit of justice displayed in this transaction, that they not only abstained from any hostile attempt, but even consented to general pacification, during which all matters relating to the cantons were to be amicably adjusted. Zurich, on the contrary, acquired her independence through the instrumentality of a ferocious demagogue, and sealed it by a treacherous attack on the neighbouring town of Rapperschwyl, thus wantonly drawing upon herself the resentment of the duke. He accordingly invaded Switzerland: several severe conflicts took place; and Zurich, the primary cause of the war, not only deserted her allies, but entered into dishonourable engagements with the House of Austria. An armistice was at length mediated, and Albert died shortly afterwards, being reduced by the failure of his ambitions projects to such a state of despondency that his family were obliged to forbid the name of a Swiss being mentioned in his presence. The next open rupture with Austria took place in 1385. It originated principally in the arrogance of the house of Hapsburg, but was not entirely unprovoked on the part of the Swiss.t

* Simond.

The jealousy of Leopold appears to have been excited by the proposed league with the Suabian cities, to which Zurich, Berne, Zug, Soleure, &c. acceded, while the Forest Cantons more prudently declined the measure, alleging, that it was contrary to the fundamental principle of their union to involve themselves in the quarrels of others. About the same time the people of Zurich, probably for some remains of their former enmity, seem to have projected a surprise of the town of Rapperschwyl, at that time dependent upon Austria.