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was regarded as the head of the church; consequently no act of parliament, nothing but the consent of the church itself, under the supposed illuminations of its Invisible Superior could be sufficient ground for the introduction of any change in religious worship or discipline. But, in direct contradiction to these old Presbyterian maxims, James had introduced into Scotland the court of high-commission, at a time when its authority was become too grievous to be patiently borne in England; and now, by an extorted act of parliament, Charles openly discovered his intentions of overturning the national religion, and of enforcing conformity to a new mode of worship, by means of this arbitrary tribu

nal.

The Scots were at no loss to discover the nature of the religion, which the king wanted to introduce. The jurisdiction of Presbyteries, synods, and other democratical courts, was already in a manner abolished; and the general assembly itself had not been summoned for two years back. It was evident that Charles, ambitious to complete the work so unwisely begun by his father, was resolved, in conjunction with the bishops, to govern the church of Scotland by the same absolute authority which he enjoyed in England, and to render the ecclesiastical government of all his kingdoms regular and uniform. But the ardour of reformation was not yet sufficiently abated, among the Scots, to admit of such a change. They were still under the influence of the wildest enthusiasm; and that, concurring with certain political considerations, not only obstructed Charles's favourite scheme of uniformity, but eventually ruined his authority in both kingdoms.

This prince, from the natural piety or superstition of his temper, was slavishly attached to churchmen; and, as it is natural for all men to persuade themselves that their interest coincides with their inclination, he had laid it down as a political canon, that to increase the power and civil influence of the ecclesiastical order, was the first duty of his government

government. He considered the Episcopal clergy as the most faithful servants of the crown, and the great promoters of loyalty among the people. In consequence of this idea, some of the Scottish prelates were raised to the highest offices of the state; and an attempt was made to revive the first institution of the college of justice, and to share equally between the clergy and laity the whole judicial authority, as before the reformation". These inovations disgusted the high-minded nobility, who frequently found themselves insulted by the upstart bishops, whom they considered in the light of intruders, at the same time that they had the mortification to see themselves inferior in official consequence, and less regarded as the objects of royal favour. Selfishness completed that jealousy which ambition had begun. The Scottish nobility saw themselves ready to be deprived of those church-lands, which they had so largely shared at the reformation, in order to exalt still higher the consequence of the clergy; and therefore took part with the people and the presbyterian preachers, in opposing the king's plan of episcopacy, and spreading wide the alarm of popery22.

Meanwhile Charles, and his dignified ecclesiastics, were zealously employed in framing canons and a liturgy, for the use of a people who held both in abhorrence. The canons, which were promulgated in 1635, though received by the nation without much clamour or opposition, occasioned much inward apprehension and discontent. They were indeed of a most arbitrary and offensive nature, and highly grievous to a people jealous of their civil and religious liberties. They asserted, that the king's authority was absolute and unlimited; and they ordained, among many other things odious to presbyterian ears, that the clergy should not pray extempore, but by the printed form prescribed in the liturgy, that no one should officiate as schoolmaster without a licence from the bishop of the diocese: nor any person be admitted

21. Guthrie's Momoirs.

22. Burnct, Hist, Own Tixes, vol. i,

into holy orders, or allowed to perform any ecclesiastical function, without first subscribing those canons23.

Even men of moderate principles, who could regard these ordinances with a degree of indifference, were filled with indignation at seeing a whole body of ecclesiastical laws established without any previous consent, either of church or state. They dreaded alike despotism in civil government : yet a seeming submission was paid to the king's authority A. D. 1637.until the reading of the liturgy. It was chiefly JULY 23. copied from that of England, and consequently little exceptionable in itself. But this seemingly favourable circumstance was no recommendation to the Scots; who, proud of the purity of their worship, thought the English church still retained a strong mixture of Romish pollution. They therefore represented the new liturgy as a species of mass, though with less shew and embroidery; and when, in the cathedral church of St. Giles, the dean of Edinburg, arrayed in his surplice, opened the book, and began the service, the meaner part of the audience, but especially the women, raised a dreadful clamour, clapping their hands and exclaiming, "A pope! a pope! Antichrist! stone him! stone him!" And the tumult was so great, that it was found impossible to proceed with the service, until the most turbulent of the rioters were turned out of the church by the civil magistrates. The bishop, who had attempted in vain to appease them, was in danger of falling a sacrifice to their fury, in going home 24.

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Though this tumult appeared to have been conducted only by persons of low condition, the sense of the nation was well known; so that it was not thought advisable to hazard a new insult by a second attempt to read the liturgy. But as the king, contrary to all maxims of sound policy, and even of common sense, remained inflexible in his pur

23. Fuller's Church Hist. Burnet's Mem. of the House of Hamilton. 24. King's Declaration. Rushworth, vol. ii, Burnet's Mem.

pose

pose of imposing such a mode of worship on his Scottish subjects, new tumults arose; and the people flocked from every part of the kingdom to Edinburg, in order to oppose so obnoxious a measure. Men of all ranks and conditions joined in petitions against the liturgy: the pulpits resounded with vehement declamations against Antichrist; and the populace who had first opposed the new service, was ingeniously compared by the preachers to Balaam's Ass, an animal stupid in itself, but whose mouth the Lord had opened, to the admiration of the whole world25. Fanaticism in a word, mingling with faction, and private interest with the spirit of liberty, produced symptoms of the most dangerous insurrection; yet Charles, as if under the influence of a blind fatality, though fully informed of the disorders in Scotland, obstinately refused to desist from his undertaking, notwithstanding the representations of his ablest ministers and most faithful servants in that kingdom.

But what renders this obstinacy still more inexcusable, and makes the king's conduct appear altogether inexplicable is, that while he was endeavouring to recover so great a part of the property of Scotland as the church-lands, from powerful nobles, by no means willing to relinquish them, and was attempting to change the whole civil and ecclesiastical constitution of the kingdom, he raised no forces to carry his violent designs into execution! The Scots saw the weakness of his administration, at the same time that they had reason to complain of its rigour and on a proclamation being issued, containing a pardon for all past offences, and exhorting them peaceably to submit to the liturgy, they entered into a civil and religious convention, generally known by the name of the COVENANT, which proved an effectual barrier against all regal encroachments.

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In this convention were comprehended all orders of men in the state, divided into different tables or classes; one table

25. King's Declaration.

consisting

reign"; so desirous were they to continue their meritorious distress!

In the midst of so many domestic difficulties, and utterly destitute of money, it was impossible for any prince to conduct with vigour the operations of war. Sensible of this, Charles submitted to necessity, and concluded a peace with France and Spain. The situation of his affairs A. D. 1630. did not entitle him to demand from Lewis any conditions for the Hugonots, nor from Philip any stipulation in favour of the elector Palatine; yet he obtained from the latter a promise of his good offices toward the restoration of that unfortunate prince. Thus was lost, through her internal dissensions, the happiest opportunity that England ever enjoyed, of humbling the house of Bourbon by means of its Protestant subjects, or of dismembering the Spanish monarchy by the assistance of France, and of acquiring a permanent superiority over both.

A cautious neutrality was henceforth the study of Charles, who had neither leisure nor inclination to interest himself farther in foreign affairs: happy in relinquishing every ambitious project, had he been able to recover the affections of his people, and the confidence of his parliament! But unfortunately, though possessed of many amiable and respectable qualities, both as a king and as a man, and though he now adopted more moderate counsels than during the administration of Buckingham, he was never able to attain these desirable ends a degree of jealous distrust remained. The causes and the consequences of this want of confidence it must now be our business to trace.

6. Whitlocke, p. 13. Rushworth, vol. i Kennet, vol. iii. 7. Rushworth, vol. ii.

8. He was an affectionate husband, an indulgent father, a gentle master, and a firm friend. His manner and address, though perhaps rathar too stately, corresponded well with his natural gravity and reserve. He was not deficient in political knowledge; he possessed great moderation of temper his taste in all the fine arts was excellent, and his learning and literary ta lents were much beyond what are common to princes. Sanderson, Clarendon,

The

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