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are obstacles formidable enough to intimidate the most resolute student. Could any thing short of actual experience have shewn them in their true magnitude, we should assuredly have recoiled from the present

task.'

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The present volume, after an Introductory sketch of the condition of the peninsular nations prior to the Roman conquest, gives us, in three books, the Peninsula under the Romans,' from B.C. 218 to A.D. 409; the Peninsula under the Goths,' from A.D. 409 to 711; and the Peninsula under the Arabs and the Moors,' A.D. 711 to 1492. Of the third book, the first chapter only is contained in the present volume, which is devoted to the separate history of the Mohammedan sovereignty. That of the Christian states of the same period, Asturias, Leon, Castile, &c., will be treated in the following chapters. On the interesting subject of the Arabian and Moorish domination,' the Author says, he would certainly have dwelt at greater length, were it not at this moment in preparation for the Cabinet Cyclopædia, and by an author (Dr. Southey) whose pen none but the presumptuous 'would venture to rival. This announcement will be received by the subscribers to the Cabinet Cyclopædia with no small satisfaction; since, on such a subject, Dr. Southey is at home and in his element, in that mid region between history and romance, where his imagination keeps him buoyant, and his learning serves him for compass. But, while we await with confident anticipation of much pleasure, his promised volume, we are glad to have in the mean time this concise, and, so far as we are able to judge, accurate and impartial review of the political history of the period, to collate with his more dramatic illustrations.

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The volume is, indeed, a most valuable accession to our literature; and to both the accomplished Author, and the spirited Editor, we tender our hearty thanks. We shall not undertake the supererogatory labour of analyzing this analysis of Spanish history, or of entering into either criticism or discussion, but shall take a few paragraphs as specimens of the pleasing style of composition, and the amusing information with which it abounds. The first book concludes with some excellent remarks upon the social effects of Christianity.

Though the effects produced by Christianity on the moral condition of the Spaniards were in the highest degree beneficial, yet they were not universal; paganism had shot its roots too deeply and too widely into the soil, to be plucked up with facility. Many of the converts were but nominally so: if, for the sake of the advantages attending the profession of the new faith after it had become the religion of the state, they outwardly conformed to it, either their hearts yearned after the superstitions of old, or their lax morality proved that they were still infected with the vices of idolatry. By degrees, too, the fervour of those who embraced Christianity from conviction cooled,

and the former severity of their manners gave way to licentiousness. The bloody combats of the Circus, and the obscene representations of the theatre, representations which, according to a contemporary writer, could not be witnessed without pollution,-were not the only nor the chief signs of a rapidly increasing demoralisation: the rich neglected their wives for their handsome servants and others; not, indeed, to the extent assigned by the same morose writer, but certainly to one fearfully indicative of the prevailing corruption. The priesthood, no less than the laity, were infected by it: "clergymen," says Salvian," who have wives, and even those living in concubinage, are raised to the dignities of the church, to the great scandal of the faithful." It was to meet these disorders that severe canons were passed by the early councils.

One of the noblest effects of Christianity was the diminution of slavery. Under the pagan Romans many vexatious formalities were required before manumission could be given to a slave. Constantine allowed the act to be in all cases legal and binding, provided it took place in the church, in presence of the priests and congregation. Subsequently Jews and heretics were forbidden to have Christian slaves; and if the slaves of the latter were pagan also, they became free by embracing the religion of the Gospel. A third regulation conferred the right of Roman citizenship on all thus publicly manumitted, and also legalised the mere intention of a master to free his slave, provided that intention were expressed in presence of witnesses.'

Vol. I. pp. 96, 97.

We select almost at random from the history of the Moorish period, the character of Abderahman III., whose reign formed the most brilliant period of the Spanish Arabs.

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In his internal administration, Abderahman is distinguished for great capacity of mind, for unbounded liberality, for unrivalled magnificence, and for inflexible justice. The foundation of the palace and town of Medina-Azhara, about two leagues from Cordova,- the former distinguished for all the splendour of art and wealth, the latter for a mosque which rivalled that of Cordova,-attested his taste and luxury. The roof of the palace is said to have been supported by above four thousand pillars of variegated marble, the floors and walls to have been of the same costly material, the chief apartments to have been adorned with exquisite fountains and baths; and the whole to have been surrounded by the most magnificent gardens, in the midst of which arose a pavilion resting on pillars of white marble gilt with gold, and commanding an extensive prospect. In the centre of the pavilion, a fountain of quicksilver, we are told, constantly played, reflecting, in a new and wondrous manner, the rays of the sun. The whole description reminds us rather of the creations of genii than of the labours of man.

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Of the justice of this great king, the Mohammedan world had a fearful example in the fate of his son Abdalla. Many years before his death he caused his second son, Alhakem, to be recognized as wali alhedi. The choice gave umbrage to Abdalla, who at length entered into a conspiracy, the object of which seems to have been the assassi

nation, or perpetual imprisonment, of Alhakem. The secret was betrayed by one of the number; Abdalla was suddenly arrested, confessed his meditated crime, and was suffocated, notwithstanding the entreaties of his intended victim Alhakem." "Thy humane request," replied the king, "becomes thee well, and if I were a private individual it should be granted; but as a king, I owe both to my people and my successors an example of justice: I deeply lament the fate of my son; I shall lament it through life; but neither thy tears nor my grief shall save him!" This rigour, however, was not agreeable to the people, who knew that Abdalla had many excellent qualities; who believed that he was influenced more by levity or the deceitful persuasions of others, than by innate depravity of heart, and that he might have been reclaimed to loyalty and obedience by easy means. The king himself seems ever afterwards to have blamed his excessive rigour. Though at the very summit of human prosperity, he was thenceforth unhappy. The state of his mind is sufficiently apparent from some verses which he addressed to his friend, Abu Beeri, in reply to the remonstrances of that famous poet concerning his despondency. "The sorrow of a troubled heart will rend itself in sighs. Can we enjoy tranquillity while the tempest is roaring? It has scattered my flowery vines; how, then, can I rejoice over the shining crop? Glory crowned my youth; now she abandons me. The keen blast of affliction has withered my roses (youth); I fear lest the storm should also wither my lilies (old age). The days of sunshine are past; dark night approaches, the shadows of which no morn will ever dissipate!" It may, indeed, be said that the grief which thus luxuriates, that which seeks the aid of measured numbers, is too sententious, too declamatory, to be deep. Abderahman's was not deep, but it was benumbed; it poisoned every present enjoyment, and threw a chilling mist over the brightest and most animating scenes of life. To say nothing of the remorse he must inevitably feel, he was too prosperous, too cloyed with the sweets of wealth and empire, to be happy. Had he been less prosperous, the vicissitudes would have enhanced his enjoyments: where there is no pain, there can be no pleasures. Accordingly, we need not be surprised to hear his own confessions, that during near fifty years of empire, his days of happiness amounted to no more than fourteen.'

pp. 288-290.

Art. V. Poland, Homer, and other Poems, fcap. 8vo. pp. 118. London, 1832.

THE

HE word Poland falls upon the imagination like a knell, but that knell has awaked the slumbering spirit of poetry, which, in these beautiful and soul-stirring numbers, seems to have started up with the vigour conferred by sleep. So thrilling an air has not for a long time been heard from the Spartan fife; and though the time is gone by, when swords leaped from their scabbards at the voice of either bard or orator, all that poetry can do, by kindling a passionate sympathy, in these days of sober reason and

political calculation, this new system may hope to achieve. In reading his poem, we forget the crimes of Poland in feeling for her wrongs; and see nothing but the awful spectacle of a brave nation rising against oppression, and failed in the attempt to break the yoke, which then only chafed their necks, but has now weighed them down to the dust.

O thou poor country! 'twas a crime for thee
Even to dream that freemen should be free.
It is a crime when weakness wars with might,
Or does impeach its law, that power is right.
It is a crime that ne'er can be forgiven,
To break a tyrant's chain, and side with Heaven.
For this for uttering loud thy just appeal-
A hard and bitter penance dost thou feel.
Ask not for justice here, for she hath gone
To plead thy cause before a higher throne;
To shew thy wrongs in characters of flame,
Before that footstool whence thy mission came.
Speak not to men: they tamely see thee weep,
For they are bribed, or heartless, or asleep;

Or
very fear hath bowed their heads so low,
That none dare look on such a giant foe!

• Thou desolated widow! fold thy veil-
There is no ear to hearken to thy tale;
There is no refuge, no deserted shed,

To screen from blasts and furious storms thy head.
The wounded bird can flutter to its nest,

But thou hast no such dwelling-place of rest.
Thou hast no friend to bid thee to his hall;
Thou hast no kinsman to avenge thy fall.
The monarchs of the earth have passed thee by
Nor deigned to look upon thy misery.
Go thou and weep upon thy children's grave,
They died for thee, the beautiful and brave!
Go thou and weep at early dawn of morn;
Go thou and weep when glooming clouds are shorn
Of their day radiance, and the evening star
Above the dark blue mountains glimmers far-
Go thou and weep-no planet of bright hope
Hath the ascendant in thy horoscope.

Hard fate hath filled for thee her greatest cup,
And forced thee to the dregs to quaff it up.

She hath no deadlier poison to bestow:

Go thou and weep; thou need'st not fear thy foe!"

This beautiful apostrophe to the fallen country is succeeded by a spirited appeal to Europe *,--to France,-to Britain; and

It must be by mere inadvertence that the false note has escaped, which makes Poland the sister, instead of the daughter, of Europe.

VOL. VII.— -N.S.

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then turning upon the Muscovite Autocrat, the Poet launches forth into a strain of as fierce and vehement invective, and terrific denunciation, as ever found melodious expression in poetic numbers. But the Citizen King himself is not spared. The reader will admire the force, rather than the justice, of the following too bold philippic.

"O gallant-hearted, yet unthinking men,

Hope not to make that king a citizen!
Where is the virtue lies within a name?
Bourbon or Orleans, it is all the same.
What firm reliance could ye place in one
Who joins two parties, yet dare side with none?
Viceroy to him whose crimes have sent him forth
To seek a banished dwelling in the north ;-
Sovereign of those whose hearts he cannot win,
Sworn unto virtue, yet allied to sin * ;-
The umpire of a poor and petty throne;
A felon, with the robes of justice on,
Who prates of virtue and eternal laws,
Yet sneers at freedom and at freedom's cause;
A Sylla of the north,-a laurell'd slave,--
In words a patriot, and in deeds a knave!
Thou poor, thou broken, thou despised thing!
Thou voice, thou type, thou shadow of a king!
Think'st thou the hands that tore the forfeit crown
From off a tyrant's brow, will spare thine own?
Think'st thou that France will see her sister bleed,
Nor, tho' she could not ward, avenge the deed ?
Thou tame apostate! wouldst thou dare to bar
The march of Freedom to her holy war?
Deem'st thou thy borrowed sceptre e'er was made
To stop that bright, yet terrible crusade?
Away! away! thou canst not read the heart;
Thou hast no knowledge of her nobler part:
The spell within the bosom of the free,
Is a deep mystery-too deep for thee.

The hills, the dungeon, are to thee the same:

Back, back, and hide thy head for shame! for shame!'

In better taste is the appeal to Britain.

'And thou, alas! where have thy terrors been,
Britain, my country, old and royal queen?
Thou, who hast drawn thy peerless sword so oft,
When the white flag of right was rear'd aloft ;

This line, by a happy, though undesigned equivoque, may be understood either of the Sovereign or of his subjects, certainly with equal

truth.

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