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commissioners for the sea service, and has to try his skill by water, a new trade for an old commander to learn. Yet his courage and successes forsake him not even on this unwonted element. He speeds away to sea, and, on the first encounter, acts upon his old principle of being forward to embrace danger, instead of waiting quietly its approach. At times, when the seamen cried "starboard" or "larboard," he would reply,—" Ay, boys, let us board them." Let no man deride a soldier for his great valour. Cæsar was always used to say, Come, boys, and to go in the head himself, and not bid them go without him, but for his pains, his courage, by the worthies of this age, may be pronounced brute ferocity."

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The first sea fight was upon the second day of June, 1653, in which he commanded in conjunction with General Deane. The battle began very early in the morning, and at the first shot fired by the Dutch, Deane was slain. He was no sooner dead than the general took his cloak and covered the body, commanding the seamen to mind their business. This Deane, it is said, had had his doublet torn and gnawed by the rats that night on the left side, just where he was struck by the cannon ball: he was a Behemist in religion, and his own spirit was conscious of his impending fate. For the morning before his death, he spent two hours at his devotions, a thing not usual with him; and those that observed him, said, that, though a genuine heart of oak, there appeared, as it were, death in his face. A great lady too in Scotland, whilst he commanded there, did foretell his death by second-sight. On this I make no reflection, but that there are some good spirits, who watch for us and warn us." At sun-rise next day, says my naval correspondent, "the general calls his flag-officers to council, tells them the sad news of his partner General Deane's death, encouraging them to double valour and duty." And whereas " divers of the blue squadron had shewn too much timorosity the day before, it was determined that all the flags should sail abreast, having our general in the middle," and, passing through the enemy's fleet, either scatter, or perish amongst them. The captains were all told, that if, "when they saw their noble general and flag-officers fighting or perishing amidst the enemy, they did not follow and succour them, according to order and their bounden duty, they might go home if they durst, and tell their superiors, their wives and children, where they had left their general and us. But it pleased God, to whom be praise, that each one followed orders, and retrieved his reputation; whereby a glorious victory was gained ;-thirty-four of the enemy burnt and taken, and the rest chased quite down to their own coast."

After this engagement, the general with his fleet plied on

the coast of Holland, as well to intercept their trade, as to let the Dutch know that their fleet was beaten; a circumstance, of which their admirals often contrived to keep them in ignorance. Their people, seeing the enemy still off their coast, by their exclamations forced them again out to sea. A storm of wind right on their shore, took the English fleet, when not above a league from land. This put them in greater fear and perplexity than all the forces of the enemy could inspire, and they prayed heartily that they might get off the shore, and have room to fight like men. "About the last of July (praised be God) he gave us a small gale to carry us out to sea; and taking the opportunity thereof, 'twas thought by most of the Dutch commanders that we fled, and would not give battle. But Van Tromp was of another opinion, and said, that we were Englishmen, and had not lain upon their coast so long, to dare them to come forth, and now to run away. 'Twas to get off the shore, to have sea-room to fight in."

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Their fleet consisted of 140 sail, all the strength of Holland, fresh and fully manned, with the wind in their favour, and their own coast behind them. Our fleet had only 90 sail, and many of the ships had not their full complements of men. enemy had fire-ships, we none, which put our fleet in some trouble; and having the wind of us, one of them set the St. Andrew on fire, (others were in danger,) which caused some of her men to desert her; but the captain, with the rest of the crew, put it out again; and when all their fire-ships were spent, we rejoiced and fought them, as we thought, on equal terms, a very orderly battle on both sides. Six passes we had, not knowing who had the best, till about two or three in the afternoon. Van Tromp himself, as he stood upon the poop of his own ship, with his drawn sword, encouraging his men, was slain with a musket bullet. The rest of the fleet, discouraged at this disaster, crowded all the sail they could, and stood away towards the Texel. The general and the rest pursued, took and fired divers of them, and gained, God be ever praised, a glorious victory, insomuch that the Dutch captains and others said, "that the hand of God fought against them, and that now they would have peace." Thus were the Hogen Mogens made to know that the English, when they pleased, could be masters at sea; and that it was by sufferance, not might, that they themselves had domineered so long. The issue of this war was indeed contrary to their hopes, and to the expectations of all the world. And it is worthy of remark, that Van Tromp, one of the best naval officers of the age, bred in sea fights and voyages from a child, experienced as well as stout, was forced to succumb to the fortunate genius of General Monk, an absolute novice in naval affairs.

The happy conduct of that war is to be ascribed, among many other things, to the great encouragement held out to good behaviour, on the part both of officers and seamen. The wives and children of the commanders, who were slain in the service, were provided for at the expense of government. All that survived had medals of merit given them, and some chains of gold, with other handsome gratuities. The bounty of the government was not confined to the officers, all the seamen, besides constant pay, which they received on ship-board before dismission, were entitled to what they called tun and gun money for all prizes, and other little vails out of such part of the lading of captured vessels as was above deck. It has been observed by some, that many officers of the late usurping powers, after they had got lands and riches, remitted much of their military ardour and activity. They have thence been led to infer that poverty is the best qualification for a fighting man-jejunis dentibus acer. But, undoubtedly, rewards did never lessen virtue when it was not forced and counterfeit.

It was about this time, April 1653, that Cromwell, impatient to seat himself on the throne, was ready to dismiss the pretended parliament; but the courtship of many of its members to Monk, by means of whom they hoped to balance the authority of their aspiring general, gave him some uneasiness. But he quickly satisfied Cromwell on this head, assuring him that he neither had any concern for them, nor felt himself under any obligation to them. Upon which Cromwell, who durst not thrust the Rump out of doors, till certified of the general's acquiescence, did, on the 20th of April, after many years' tyranny, jeer them out of the house, to the no small joy of the people. Having now removed every thing that could obstruct his views, that he may go up to the throne, with more satisfaction to the people, he makes a sudden peace with the Dutch, and betrays all the advantages gained by the war; a measure which the general did highly resent, as a base treachery to himself in particular. He, however, took great care that all those who had ventured their lives freely should be rewarded justly; when one morning, as he transacted business at the navy office, some thousands of seamen came to demand their tun and gun money. He told them that this could not be immediately advanced, as it was necessary to allow time for the sale of the prizes, which were in all 1500 ships, of different sorts; and this information appeared to satisfy them. But the general being come to Whitehall, to communicate with Oliver on this and other matters appertaining to his office, news is brought that three or four thousand seamen are come, as far as Charing Cross, with swords, pistols, and clubs. Upon this, General Monk went down to meet them, and in a great

passion falls upon them with his drawn sword, Cromwell following, with one or two attendants: an act of resolution, on the part of the general, as great as is to be found in ancient story. For English seamen are a sort of mankind, that, by frequent conversation with death and danger, are insensible to fear, and ready to attempt any thing, though ever so desperate. But the general's decision and intrepidity were so well known and respected among them, that two or three cuts with his sword upon the most forward of the rioters, were sufficient to disperse the crowd. Among them, it seems, was one who was about his lawful occasions, on whose nose the sword happening to light, the general gave him £10 afterwards, by way of reparation; demanding, at the same time, "What did a jack-daw do amongst rooks?" The war being thus at an end, the Usurper, desirous to bind General Monk to his interests by the strongest ties, treated him with every possible distinction. Particularly, at a public dinner, with his own hands, he put a chain of gold, with a large medal representing a sea-fight, appended, round the general's neck, and thus imagines he hath him chained to his service. And, indeed, "Gold hath a magnetic virtue, when it is liberally bestowed;" and is seldom sown without bringing forth a plentiful harvest.

Meantime, the king's faithful friends, whose loyalty was unwearied and invincible, though they had been repeatedly vanquished in their enterprizes for his restoration, still continued their practices in the three nation's; and many of them, under the barbarous pretence of law and justice, were murdered in defence of his majesty's right and title. In Scotland, however, the royalists were flying thick, and threatened to gather to a dangerous head. Cromwell, whose crimes and fears kept him ever vigilant, finding the winds high and the discontents great in all parts of his government, was afraid that this cloud in the North might soon overspread the three kingdoms. Lilborne, who at this time was commander in chief there, he judged unequal to the post he held; and Desborough, whom some recommended, but who, he knew, had no greater recommendation than that of being his brother-in-law, was a man qualified to bluster high at committees in Whitehall, but would have soon been put out of breath on the mountains and highlands of Scotlands. So that General Monk must into Scotland again, with whom the impostor, not unmindful of his old policy, sends the most mutinous part of his own forces, in order that they and their commander may not come to too good an understanding. Being arrived, he quickly wrought a great change in the posture of affairs. The army he found very zealous in their disputes about religion, and full of anabaptists, who had been admitted by the authority of Lilborne, a man inclined himself

to the opinions of that sect. The general silenced their religious quarrels, discountenanced the sectarians, and favoured those who were of free and generous principles; insomuch that the others complained of his neglecting the godly and praying portion of the army. He then proceeded in search of the royalist forces, and made such marches over the untrodden mountains and bogs of the highlands, as filled the Scots themselves with admiration, and appeared to surpass those of Montrose, whose followers were mostly highlanders, and on their native hills; whereas the general's troops were men from the southern parts of England. Whilst he contrived to have a constant supply of provisions for his own troops, he, at the same time, laid bare their fields, destroyed their habitations, and thus starved the enemy into submission. To insure the permanence of which he planted garrisons in various parts. Happening, on his march, to be entertained at the house of a laird, one of the Campbells of Glenorchie, the situation struck him as favourable for a military post; but the gentleman was unwilling to have his seat converted into a garrison. Upon this the general withdrew out of the house with his officers, and bid the laird" look to his defence he would not violate hospitality, but he would try whether he could not take the place by force." Glenorchie, having advised with his friends, thought not fit to abide the result of an attack, but yielded upon conditions. These precautions, together with the awe he had inspired by traversing fastnesses into which it was thought the English would not have been able to penetrate, did so completely bridle the wild highlandman, that they "durst not so much as steal a cow; nay, if, in the most thievish part of the country, a horse happened to stray, it was immediately cried, and restored upon demand!" The army was kept under such a severity of discipline, that disorders were as rare as prodigies; and the conquerors comported themselves among the conquered with such meekness and humility, that the Scots began to fall in love with their enemies. All their privileges were kept sacred, articles duly observed, and trade encouraged and increased. The general himself, who had always a passion for a country life, rented the stately palace of Dalkeith, where he amused himself with planting and agriculture. The comforts he himself enjoyed in this rural retirement, he was careful to dispense to all under him; relieving the necessities of his soldiers, and protecting the poorer Scots from the oppression of the great, who, heirs to the quarrels of their forbears, durst no longer openly prosecute their family feuds on each other. Their clergymen, who had formerly been too busy and pragmatical, began to attend to the business of their calling, and live contented with their stipends. In this happy condition did General Monk preserve this country,

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