is right that Congress should know it, and judge if any use may be made of the reputation of a citizen for the public service. In case it should be thought fit to employ me in that business, it will be well to send a more particular power and proper instructions. The ambassador added, that it was a pleasure to him to think, and he hoped it would be remembered, that Sweden was the first power in Europe which had voluntarily offered its friendship to the United States, without being solicited. This affair should be talked of as little as possible, till completed." TO THE HON. ROBERT MORRIS. Passy, June 25, 1782. "For what relates to war and peace, I must refer you to Mr. Livingston, to whom I write fully. I will only say, that though the English a few months since seemed desirous of peace, I suspect they now intend to draw out the negotiation into length, till they can see what this campaign will produce. I hope our people will not be deceived by fair words, but be on their guard, ready against every attempt that our insidious enemies may make upon us. I am, &c." Wednesday, 26th. I sent away my letters, and went to see Mr. Oswald. I showed him the draft of a letter to be addressed to him instead of Lord Shelburne, respecting the commission or public character he might hereafter be vested with; this dra was founded on Lord S.'s memorandums, which Mr. Oswald had shown to me, and this letter was intended to be communicated by him to Lord Shelburne. Mr. Oswald liked the mode, but rather chose that no mention should be made of his having shown me Lord S.'s memorandums,* though he thought they were given him for that purpose. So I struck that out, and new-modelled the letter, which I sent him next day, as follows. SIR, Passy, June 27, 1782. The opinion I have of your candor, probity, good understanding, and good-will to both countries, made me hope that you would have been vested with the character of plenipotentiary to treat with those from America. When Mr. Grenville produced his first commission, which was only to treat with France, I did imagine that the other to treat with us was reserved for you, and kept back only till the enabling bill should be passed. Mr. Grenville has since received a second commission, which, as he informs me, has additional words, impowering him to treat with the ministers of any other prince or state, whom it may concern; and he seems to understand that these general words comprehend the United States of America. There may be no doubt that they comprehend Spain and Holland; but as there exist various public acts by which the government of Britain denies us to be States, and none in which they acknowledge us to be such, it hardly seems clear that we could be intended, at the time that commission was given, the enabling act not being then passed. So that though I can have no objection to Mr. Grenville, nor right to make it if I had any, yet as your long residence in America has given you a knowledge of that country, its people, * See page 186. circumstances, commerce, &c. which, added to your experience in business, may be useful to both sides. in facilitating and expediting the negotiation, I cannot but hope that it is still intended to vest you with the character above mentioned respecting the treaty with America, either separately or in conjunction with Mr. Grenville, as to the wisdom of your ministers may seem best. Be it how it may, I beg you would accept this line as a testimony of the sincere esteem and respect, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN, Friday, June 28. M. de Rayneval called upon me and acquainted me, that the ministers had received intelligence from England, that besides the orders given to General Carleton, to propose terms of re-union to America, artful emissaries were sent over to go through the country, and stir up the people to call on the Congress to accept those terms, they being similar to those now settling with Ireland. That it would therefore be well for Mr. Jay and me to write, and caution the Congress against these practices. He said M. de Vergennes wished also to know what I had written respecting the negotiation, as it would be well for us to hold pretty near the same language. I told him I did not apprehend the least danger that such emissaries would meet with any success, or that the Congress would make any treaty with General Carleton. That I would however write as he desired; and Mr. Jay coming in promised the same. He said the courier would go to-morrow. I accordingly wrote to Mr. Secretary Livingston, and to my friend Dr. Cooper, of which the following are extracts. SIR, TO THE HON. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. In mine of the 25th instant I omitted mentioning, that at the repeated instances of Mr. Laurens, who had given such expectations to the ministry in England, when his parole or securities were discharged, as that he could not think himself at liberty to act in public affairs till the parole of Lord Cornwallis was absolved by me in exchange, I sent to that General the paper, of which the enclosed is a copy;* and I see by the English papers, that his Lordship immediately on the receipt of it, appeared at Court, and has taken his seat in the House of Peers, which he did not before think warrantable. My authority for doing this appeared questionable to myself; but Mr. Laurens judged it deducible from that respecting General Burgoyne, and, by his letters to me, seemed so unhappy till it was done, that I ventured it, with a clause however, (as you will see,) reserving to Congress the approbation or disallowance of it. The enabling act is now said to be passed, but no copy of it is yet received here; so that as the bill first printed has suffered alterations in passing through parliament, and we know not what they are, the treaty with us is not yet commenced. Mr. Grenville expects his courier in a few days, with the answer of his court to a paper given him on the part of this. That answer will probably afford us a clearer understanding of the intentions of the British ministry, which for some weeks past have appeared somewhat equivocal and uncertain. It looks as if, * See page 199 of this volume. . since their late success in the West Indies, they a little repented of the advances they had made in their declarations respecting the acknowledgment of our independence; and we have pretty good information that some of the ministry still flatter the King with the hope of recovering his sovereignty over us on the same terms as are now making with Ireland. However willing we might have been at the commencement of this contest to have accepted such conditions, be assured that we can have no safety in them at present. The King hates us most cordially. If he is once admitted to any degree of power or government amongst us, however limited, it will soon be extended by corruption, artifice, and force, till we are reduced to absolute subjection; and that the more easily, as by receiving him again for our King, we shall draw upon ourselves the contempt of all Europe, who now admire and respect us, and shall never again find a friend to assist us. There are, it is said, great divisions in the ministry on other points as well as this; and those who aim at engrossing the power flatter the King with this project of re-union; and it is said have much reliance on the operation of private agents sent into America to dispose minds there in favor of it, and to bring about a separate treaty there with General Carleton. I have not the least apprehension that Congress will give in to this scheme, it being inconsistent with our treaties as well as with our interest; but I think it will be well to watch these emissaries, and secure or banish immediately such as shall be found tampering and stirring up the people to call for it. The firm united resolution of France, Spain, and Holland, joined with ours, not to treat of a par |