ticular but a general peace, notwithstanding the separate tempting offers to each, will in the end give us the command of that peace. Every one of the other powers see clearly their interest in this, and persist in that resolution: the Congress, I am persuaded, are as clear-sighted as any of them, and will not depart from the system which has been attended with so much success, and promises to make America soon both great and happy.

I have just received a letter from Mr. Laurens, dated at Lyons, on his journey into the south of France for his health. Mr. Jay will write also by this opportunity. With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO DR. COOPER, BOSton. Passy, June 28, 1782.

"Our public affairs are in a good situation here. England having tried in vain to make a separate peace with each of the powers she is at war with, has at length agreed to treat for a general peace with them altogether; and at Paris. If we all continue firm in the resolution not to separate, we shall command the terms. I have no doubt of this steadiness here; and though we are told that endeavours are making on your side the water to induce America to a re-union on the terms now granting to Ireland, and that powers are sent to General Carleton for that purpose, I am persuaded the danger of this project will appear so evident, that if offered it will be immediately rejected. We have no safety but in our independence. With that we shall be respected, and soon become great and happy. Without it we shall be despised, lose all our friends, and then either

be cruelly oppressed by the King, who hates and is incapable of forgiving us, or having all that nation's enemies for ours, shall sink with it. I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN."

M. de Rayneval (who is Secretary to the Council of State,) calling again in the evening, I gave him copies of the preceding letters to peruse, and show to M. de Vergennes; to convince them that we held no underhand dealings here. I own I had at the same time another view in it, which was that they should see I had been ordered to demand further aids, and had forborne to make the demand, with my reasons; hoping that if they possibly could help us to more money, they might be induced to do it.

I had never made any visit to Count d'Aranda, the Spanish ambassador, for reasons before mentioned. M. de Rayneval told Mr. Jay and me this morning, that it would be well for us to wait upon him, and he had authority to assure us we should be well received. We accordingly concluded to wait on his Excellency next morning.

Saturday, June 29. We went together to the Spanish ambassador's, who received us with the greatest civility and politeness. He spoke with Mr. Jay on the subject of the treaty they were to make together, and mentioned in general as a principle, that the two powers should consider each other's conveniency, and accommodate and compensate each other as well as they could. That an exact com→ pensation might perhaps not be possible, but should be approached as nearly as the nature of things would admit. Thus, said he, if there is a certain

thing which would be convenient to each of us, but more convenient to one than to the other, it should be given to the one to whom it would be most convenient; and compensation be made by giving another thing to the other for the same reason. I suppose he had in view something relating to boundaries or territories, because he added, "we will sit down together with maps in our hands, and by that means shall see our way more clearly." I learnt from him that the expedition against Providence had failed, that no advice was yet received of it. At our going out he took pains himself to open the folding doors for us, which is a high compliment here, and told us he would return our visit, (rendre son devoir,) and then fix a day with us for dining with him. I dined with Mr. Jay and a company of Americans at his lodgings.

Sunday, July 1. Mr. Grenville called on me.

[This JOURNAL does not appear to have been further continued: but the NEGOTIATIONS will be found completed by the authentic Correspondence and Documents which follow.]

SIR,

TO THE HON. HENRY LAURENS.

Passy, July 2, 1782. I wonder a little at Mr. *** not acquainting you whether your name was in the commission or not. I begin to suspect from various circumstances that the British ministry, elated perhaps too much by the success of Admiral Rodney, are not in earnest to treat immediately, but rather wish delay. They seem to hope that farther successes may enable them to treat more advantageously; or, as some

suppose, that certain propositions to be made to Congress by General Carleton, may render a treaty here with us unnecessary. A little bad news, which it is possible they may yet receive from the same quarter, will contribute to set them right; and then we may enter seriously upon the treaty; otherwise I conjecture it may not take place till after another campaign. Mr. Jay is arrived here. Mr. Grenville and Mr. Oswald continue here. Mr. Oswald has yet received no commission; and that of Mr. Grenville does not very clearly comprehend us, according to British ideas; therefore requires explication. When I know more, you shall have farther information.

B. FRANKLIN.

MEMORANDUM BY DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ.

July 8, 1782. To a person who no longer thinks of American dependence, what disadvantage can there be in making its independence a fixed article (whether the treaty succeeds or no), instead of making it a first article of the treaty, and so to depend on the success of that which may miscarry? To a person indeed who looks on it as an evil, and as an evil which there are yet some hopes to avoid, it is a rational proceeding to provide for all possibilities of realising those hopes; and the case of the treaty not succeeding is that reserved possibility. Were I treating with an enemy indeed for a barrier town, (which I certainly wish to keep or to get something for,) nothing I own would be so absurd as to give up at starting, as a fired article before the treaty, instead of making it the first article of a treaty, and dependent on the

VOL. II.

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success of the rest. But I had rather have American independence, (for one reason amongst others,) because the bolder way of giving it up, will secure a greater certainty of peace; I would then be for giving it up in that bolder way; nay, had I some reluctance to American independence, I should still think the smallest probability added of peace, would overbalance the whole value of a mere reserved possibility of dependence, which could only, after all, arise from the failure of the treaty.

DEAR SIR,

TO LE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

Passy, July 9, 1782.

Mr. Grenville has been with me in his return from Versailles. He tells me that Lord Rockingham being dead, Lord Shelburne is appointed first Lord of the Treasury; and that Mr. Fox has resigned; so that both the Secretaryships are vacant. That his communication to M. de Vergennes, was only that no change was thereby made in the dispositions of that Court for peace, &c., and he expects another courier with fuller instructions in a few days. As soon as I hear more, I shall acquaint you with it. I am ever, with great respect and affection, your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

Marquis de la Fayette.

DEAR SIR,

TO DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M.P.

Passy, July 10, 1782.

good work of peace Some have imagined

I do not know why the goes on so slowly on your side. that your ministers, since Rodney's success, are desirous of trying fortune a little further before they conclude the war: others, that they have not a good