He is gone to England, and expects soon to return: which for our parts we think uncertain. We have taken care to speak to him in strong terms on the subject of the evacuation of New York, and the other important subjects proper to be mentioned to him. We think we may rely on his doing every thing in his power to influence his court to do what they ought to do, but it does not appear that they have as yet formed any solid system for their conduct relative to the United States. We cannot but think that the late and present aspect of affairs in America, has had and continues to have an unfavorable influence, not only in Britain, but throughout Europe.

In whatever light the article respecting the Tories may be viewed in America, it is considered in Europe as very humiliating to Britain, and therefore as being one which we ought in honor to perform and fulfil with the most scrupulous regard to good faith, and in a manner least offensive to the feeling of the king and court of Great Britain, who upon that point are extremely tender.

The unseasonable and unnecessary resolves of various towns on this subject, the actual expulsion of Tories from some places, and the avowed implacability of almost all who have published their sentiments about the matter, are circumstances which are construed not only to the prejudice of our national magnanimity and good faith, but also to the prejudice of our governments.

Popular committees are considered here, as with us, in the light of substitutes to constitutional government, and as being only necessary in the interval between the removal of the former, and the establishment of the present.

The constitutions of the different States have been translated and published, and pains have been taken to lead Europe to believe that the American States not only made their own laws, but obeyed them. But the continuance of popular assemblies convened expressly to deliberate on matters proper only for the cognizance of the different legislatures and officers of government, and their proceeding not only to ordain, but to enforce their resolutions, has exceedingly lessened the dignity of the States in the eyes of these nations.

To this we may also add the situation of the army, the reluctance of the people to pay taxes, and the circumstances under which congress removed from Philadelphia, have diminished the admiration in which the people of America were held among the nations of Europe, and somewhat abated their ardor for forming connexions with us, before our affairs acquire a greater degree of order and consistence.

Permit us to observe, that, in our opinion, the recommendation of congress promised in the 5th article, should immediately be made in the terms of it and published, and that the States should be requested to take it into consideration as soon as the evacuation by the enemy shall be completed. It is also much to be wished that the legislatures may not involve all the Tories in banishment and ruin, but that such discriminations may be made as to entitle their decisions to the approbation of disinterested men, and dispassionate posterity.

On the 7th inst. we received your excellency's letter of the 16th June last, covering a resolution of congress of the 1st May, directing a commission to us for making a treaty of commerce, &c. with Great

Britain. This intelligence arrived very opportunely to prevent the anti-American party in England from ascribing any delays on our part to motives of resentment to that country. Great Britain will send a minister to congress, as soon as congress shall send a minister to Britain; and we think much good might result from that measure.

Much we think will depend on the success of our negotiations with England. If she could be prevailed upon to agree to a liberal system of commerce, France, and perhaps some other nations, will follow her example; but if she should prefer an exclusive monopolizing plan, it is probable that her neighbors will continue to adhere to their favorite restrictions.

Were it certain that the United States could be brought to act as a nation, and would jointly and fairly conduct their commerce on principles of exact reciprocity with all nations, we think it probable that Britain would make extensive concessions. But on the contrary, while the prospect of disunion in our councils, or want of power and energy in our executive departments exist, they will not be apprehensive of retaliation, and consequently lose their principal motive to liberality. Unless with regard to all foreign nations and transactions we uniformly act as an entire united nation, faithfully executing and obeying the constitutional acts of congress on those subjects, we shall soon find ourselves in the situation in which all Europe wishes to see us, viz. as unimportant consumers of her manufactures and productions, and as useful laborers to furnish her with raw materials.

We beg leave to assure congress that we shall apply our best endeavors to execute this new com

mission to their satisfaction, and shall punctually obey such instructions as they may be pleased to give us relative to it. Unless congress should have nominated a secretary to the commission, we shall consider ourselves at liberty to appoint one; and as we are well satisfied with the conduct of Mr. Temple Franklin, the secretary to our late commission, we purpose to appoint him; leaving to congress to make such compensation for his services as they may judge proper.

With great respect, we have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's most obedient and humble

servants,

JOHN ADAMS.

B. FRANKLIN.

JOHN JAY.

No. I.

Article proposed by the AMERICAN MINISTERS, and delivered to DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. the British Envoy.

April 29, 1783.

It is agreed that so soon as his Britannic Majesty shall have withdrawn all his armies, garrisons, and fleets from the United States of America, and from every port, post, place, and harbor, within the same, as stipulated by the 7th article of the provisional treaty of 30th of November, 1782, then and thenceforth, for and during the term of years,

all rivers, harbors, lakes, ports, and places, belonging to the United States, or any of them, shall be open and free to the merchants, and other subjects of the crown of Great Britain, and his trading vessels; who shall be received, treated, and protected, like the merchant and trading vessels of the state in which they may be liable to no other charges or duties.

And reciprocally all rivers, harbors, lakes, ports, and places, under the dominion of his Britannic Majesty shall thenceforth be open and free to the merchants and trading vessels of the said United States, and of each and every of them who shall be received, treated, and protected, like the merchant and trading vessels of Great Britain, and be liable to no other

charges or duties; saving always to the chartered trading companies of Great Britain, such exclusive use and trade of their respective ports and establishments, as neither the other subjects of Great Britain, nor any of the most favored nation, participate in.

No. II.

MR. HARTLEY's Observations and Propositions, left with the AMERICAN MINISTERS the 21st May, 1783.

A proposition having been offered by the American ministers, for the consideration of his Britannic Majesty's ministers, and of the British nation, for an entire and reciprocal freedom of intercourse and commerce between Great Britain and the American United States, in the following words, viz. "That all rivers, harbors," &c. (See preceding article.)

It is to be observed that this proposition implies a more ample participation of British commerce than the American States possessed even under their former connexion of dependence upon Great Britain, so as to amount to an entire abolition of the British Act of Navigation with respect to the thirteen United States of America; and although proceeding on their part from the most conciliatory and liberal principles of amity and reciprocity, nevertheless it comes from them as newly established states, and who, in consequence of their former condition of dependence, have never yet had any established system of national commercial laws, or of commercial connexions by treaties with other nations, free and unembarrassed of many weighty considerations, which require the most scrupulous attention and investigation on the part of Great Britain, whose ancient system of national and commercial policy is thus suddenly called upon to take a new principle for its foundation, and whose commercial engagements with other ancient States may be most materially affected thereby. For the purpose therefore of giving sufficient time for the consideration and discussion of so important a proposition, respecting the present established system of the commercial policy and laws of Great Britain, and their