such measures, as will tend to energize the Mexican population, by opening the way for our own citizens to trade and settle in the country. The construction of the Tehuantepec railroad, and the establishment of a mail route to Vera Cruz, to be served by ocean steamers, are measures worthy of American Statesmen; and we trust, that Congress and the Executive will unite in doing all that can be done with propriety, to carry both of these measures into effect, without unnecessary delay.

But why not establish a line of steamers to carry the mail from New Orleans to one or more of the principal ports of New Granada and Venezuela? At present, our commerce with the latter is nearly equal to that between the United States and Mexico. Increased facilities of intercourse with those republics would tend to encourage the development of their almost boundless resources, and strengthen the social bonds between the republican governments of this continent. The unceasing vigilance of Great Britain over her commercial interest, has secured to her the 'lion's share' of Central and South American commerce, on both sides of the continent. Shall we permit her to enjoy her present monopoly of the trade of countries lying so near our own ports, without a manly contest for at least a reasonable portion of its profits? This is a national question involving our commercial supremacy in our own waters, and we submit it to American Statesmen as one worthy of profound deliberation.

ARTICLE II.

The Western Railroad Improvements, in connection with the Interests of the Eastern and Middle States.

In the last number of this Journal we expressed our views in regard to the lines of railroad communication through the Western states, which will have to be constructed within the next twenty years, and the embarrassment which the outlay required for these works will create, unless their construction is assisted by donations. of public lands from Congress, similar in character to the donations made to Illinois, Mississippi and Alabama, for like purposes.

We propose now to refer shortly to some of the difficulties, so far as we understand them, which have interfered during the last two sessions of Congress, with the passage of the bills introduced there to secure the desired aid.

These difficulties are referable mainly, to the question of the tariff on Iron; to the objections of a certain class of political men to government assistance in any practicable shape, in aid of the internal improvements of the States; and to the supineness of the citizens of the Western states, in sustaining their own just claims, and asserting their own rights.

The usual appropriations of Congress for the improvement and security of harbours and rivers, have been evidently withheld and defeated, principally as their passage would have admitted with less difficulty of a modification of the present tariff on certain articles of home manufacture. The dread of affording any excuse for an increase in any of the tariff rates, has indeed complicated many important questions.

The Western and South-western states are represented in Congress by that party, which contending for the general principle of free trade, is hence in theory opposed to protection of home industry, and therefore to any tariff framed mainly to secure that end. The exception of any single state to this remark does not affect the result. Without asserting now that this policy is not in accordance with Western interests, it is evident, that its effect in Congress is to bring us into direct and unnatural collision with the Eastern and Middle states. We have their good will, but we require their support, and that cannot be obtained without such a compromise of our party opinions or prejudices, as will recognise the reasonableness of their defence of the immense interests involved now in the system, which whether right or wrong, when referred to first principles, represents an amount of all shades of wealth, and of honest industry, not to be broken up now, except very slowly and considerately, without creating more discontent and distress, than the country would submit to from the action of any party, in support of any theory, however well based.

The Eastern and Middle states are throwing forward railroads to accomodate and secure the commerce of the valley of the Mississippi, which already exceeds the commerce of the Atlantic coast.

The Boston, Albany, and Buffalo railroad, the New-York and Erie railroad, the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, the Pennsylvania

railroads, and the railroads pointing to Nashville and Memphis, depend all for their support mainly on the commerce and travei of the Mississippi and Ohio valleys: and this commerce is founded on a basis which is inherent in the natural resources of soils, minerals and climates of the states of those valleys. It is not in any sense fortuitous like that of the Eastern states, the manufacturing capital of which may at some future day change its location with the development of the country; nor has it in extent of resources, any rival on this continent that we are aware of. There is no other valley similar in extent and general fertility to the basin of the Mississippi. Corn, hemp, tobacco and cotton are its agricultural staples, and it abounds in iron, copper, lead, and the fuels and fluxes necessary to the reduction and application of these. Its variety of climate admits of the successful prosecution of those very manufactures which have so enriched the Eastern states. It affords a field for all the leading interests, the shipping interest excepted, which are at present referred to different sections of the country, and admits of all of these being hereafter represented within the limits of its great basin. This cannot be said of any other geographical division of the country, and this blending of different interests and pursuits, together with its capacity for the sustenance of a dense population, must render it at some future day the heart of the American Republic, to which the other states shall be as a girdle of various interests, contributing to the wealth of the centre and dependant largely upon that centre for their own support.

The growth of the commerce of this valley will in all probability, exceed the expectations of reasonable men. The railroads making and to be made, open its back lands to the emigrant, and nowhere on this side of the mountains, can he find such a variety of climate and soil, from which to choose his future home. The disturbed state of Europe, and the contrast, daily becoming better known, between its abundance of restrictions on personal and commercial freedom, and the absence of these here, must maintain and increase continually the number of emigrants who covet a settlement here. The young men of the Atlantic states find here an unoccupied field for the application of their peculiar energies, which they cannot now find at home. The Western states offer to enterprise and industry of all degrees such opportunities, as are leading to their being rapidly filled up. Every year not merely increases the population, but increases the opportunities of the population to

operate with effect. We may well have the good will of the Eastern and Middle states, considering the greatness of our destiny, and a prudent interpretation of that destiny might well induce them to secure in return our good-will, independant of any temporary benefit, which & contrary course might seem to insure now, but which a more liberal action on their part, in connection with an industrious discussion of the causes, which have determined their present position, would be quite as likely to command.

As it is the interest of the Atlantic states to connect themselves with the Mississippi basin, and accomodate its trade, so it is unquestionably their interest to have the trade of that valley increase, to contribute all in their power to the rapid development of its resources, to countenance and assist in the extension or improvement of its means of inter-communication, because every thing which tends to increase the produce of that valley, increases proportionally its commerce with the sea-bord; every new line of railroad which brings new lands into cultivation, furnishes increased shipments of corn, hemp and tobacco, and leads to increased demands for all classes of manufactured goods. As a question of interest, our advancement is their advancement, and our opportunities are eminently their opportunities.

It has been well said, that very few, if any important measures of policy have become law, which have not been more or less the result of compromise; and where a variety of interests have to concur in the acceptance of any measure, this shaping or misshaping of it, is a necessity which it is as useless to deny as to avoid, and it is a necessity which may involve no injustice, but only a certain amount of forbearance, a suppression of some pride of opinion, or a certain amount of generous good-will, which, as in the case of questions, relating to the tariff or to taxes may involve a present sacrifice of income per individual of trifling amount.

If this sacrifice is to result in a greater benefit, or if it is willingly met for the sake of other advantages believed to accompany it, it involves no wrong either in principle or policy, and is an experiment as the majority of legislature enactments are, not incapable of correction at some future time.

But it is important to look at this part of the question more closely, and to understand what alterations in the present tariff are sought by those who require that concession of the West, before they will consent to aid by grants of public land the many new

communications which the position of the West obliges it to undertake. What reasons are given to justify any alterations in the present tariff, and in what manner the Western interests are likely to be affected by them?

We cannot undertake to answer these questions in great detail, but will give our understanding of the most important points involved in them.

The increase asked for at the last session of Congress in the existing tariff of duties, referred to the articles of iron, hemp, wool, refined sugar, window-glass, and linseed oil. On iron 37 per cent ad valorem was asked for, instead of the present 30 per cent duty; on hemp, wool, and sugar an increase of ten per cent was sought.

On the article of iron an increase of duty was sought for reasons which deserve a candid consideration. The other articles mentioned are of less moment, and will not now be considered.

Any statistics given here in regard to the condition of the irontrade of the United States, will have reference only to the state of Pennsylvania, but that state is considered to represent half of the iron interests in the United States, and the effect on the remaining states may be inferred accordingly.

Under the tariff of 1842, which lasted until 1846, the iron interests prospered exceedingly, and the capital invested in iron. works, forges, and rolling mills, reached in 1846—7, in Pennsylvania about twenty millions of dollars.

In 1846-7, the tariff of 1842 was revised, and very much reduced, and the existing tariff came into operation. The effect of this change on the iron trade may be gathered in part from the following figures:

In 1847, 389,350 tons of iron were made in Pennsylvania; in 1850 there were but 199,000 tons made; a reduction in the make of iron of 49 per cent in three years.

In 1850, of the 289 furnaces in operation in 1847, 167 were out of blast, shewing a reduction of 56 per cent since 1847.

The discouragement and loss suffered by the iron interests. throughout the country, correspond with these facts, and it seems hardly credible that men of any party should be able to contemplate it with indifference.

The exceedingly depressed condition of the trade throughout the land is so well understood, that it would be idle to dwell on it, or