themselves as answerable for the consequences which that injustice might produce. The Queen Mother, on her side, was the less inclined to make any important concessions, as she was now, more than ever, guided by her relations, and had reason to expect assistance from France.

Her daughter Mary, who had been educated in that country ever since the sixth year of her age, was married on the 24th of April, 1558, to Francis the Dauphin; and when his father, Henry II., died, on the 10th of July, 1559, she became, through the powerful influence of her uncles, Francis, Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraine, the actual reigning Queen of France; and in compliance with their persuasions, and in full conviction of her unquestionable right, had, on the death of Mary, Queen of England, on the 17th of November, 1558, assumed the title and the arms of that kingdom. Since the time of the Northern Magaret, so splendid a destiny had not fallen to the lot of any mortal; three crowns adorned her head, and beauty, grace, wit, a cultivated mind, a talent for poetry and music, would have gained all hearts, for so accomplished a female, who was only sixteen years of age, even though she had not been a Queen. Whether the Latin discourse which she delivered in the 13th or 14th year of her age, in the Louvre, before the whole court, the tenor of which was, "That knowledge is an ornament to women, and is necessary

to them," was wholly her own, may be doubted; but at all events we may infer from it, that Mary had been educated with care and success. Nobody has doubted the authenticity of her early tender poems, and the later ones, to whomsoever they may be addressed, shew an energy of passion, such as is found only in highly susceptible minds. Better, indeed, had it been for her, if feeling, sensibility, passion, love of pleasure, had been less predominant; if understanding, reason, calmness in deliberation, and energy in resolution, had been more manifest. The vivacity of her own character prevented Mary from duly appreciating that of others, and the mirror of her own mind reflected all objects, in peculiar colours, agreeable to herself, but scarcely ever conformable to truth. Not Christianity in its original mildness, but the persecuting spirit of Catholicism of her uncles, had been presented to her as the only true religion; the toleration of persons of a different opinion was considered not as a duty but as a wrong, to be excused only by the pressure of circumstances; and this pretended religious austerity was at that time opposed, in the French court, to that frivolity which disregarded virtue and fidelity in women, which resolved and executed crimes amidst sports and festivities, knew nothing of repentance, or quieted the blunted conscience by wretched external forms of penance. How must the lively, inflammable mind of Mary,

which was guided by equivocal feelings, rather than by solid principles, have been perverted and commanded by such influences, and by such intercourse. (10) It is only by bearing constantly in mind these circumstances of her youth, that the good, as well as the evil, of her later years can be accounted for, and how the web of her fate, at first so splendid, was gradually traversed by darker and darker threads; till it was at length converted into the black covering of the scaffold.

We find, however, even at the time of her marriage with the Dauphin, fatal germs of future misunderstandings and reproaches. Conformably to the earnest and prudent efforts of the Scotch, many points relative to the independence of their country, and the future succession to the throne, had been formally laid down; yet, notwithstanding this, Mary signed a deed on the 4th of April, 1557, by which, in case she should die without children, she bequeathed Scotland to the French, arbitrarily abolished the ancient law, and declared the solemn engagements into which she had just entered, to be null and void. (") Francis I. had indeed several times endeavoured to deceive the world by such base conduct, and quieted his own conscience; but even though such precedents were referred to, and Mary was still under the imperious rule of her uncles, a really uncorrupt and truly energetic mind would never have submitted to it.

More important in itself and in its consequences was the resolution which we have already mentioned, to assume the arms, title, and crown of England. This was not only affirming that Mary had the nearest right to the succession, but, without doubt, also manifesting the will to assert her claim, by all possible means, even by force. (12) The following was the state of these hereditary claims. Henry VII. had two daughters, Margaret and Mary; the young Queen of Scotland was descended, in the second degree from Margaret the eldest, and her husband James IV. of Scotland; the younger, Mary, Duchess of Suffolk, also left several descendants. Of the children of Henry VIII., Elizabeth, daughter of Anne Boleyn, was the only survivor, her claim to the throne conformably to the descent in lines and degrees, was incontestibly the first; and the Will of Henry VIII. had mentioned her as successor to the throne, next to the deceased Queen Mary Tudor; it then mentions the descendants of the Duchess of Suffolk, but passes over in silence the elder Scotch line. (13) The authenticity of this testament was the less doubtful, as the Parliament had authorised Henry VIII., in the year 1544, to regulate the succession. Notwithstanding this, the advocates of Mary alleged-only the marriage of Henry VIII. with Catharine of Arragon was legal; unless it had been dissolved by the Pope, he could not marry a second wife. Elizabeth, therefore, is illegitimate and un

worthy of the throne. Nay, Henry VIII. himself declared his marriage with Anne Boleyn to be invalid; a declaration which, being conformable to law and religion, can no more be defeated in the sequel by an absurd Will, than the rights of the descendants of Margaret be set aside in favour of the younger house of Suffolk, which has no claim. To this it may be added, that Elizabeth ought to be excluded, even on account of her heretical unbelief, and Mary Stuart chosen for her orthodox faith; by which, too, a salutary union of England, France, and Scotland, would be brought about, and internal peace take place, instead of the senseless and ruinous animosity and war.

In reply to these assertions, the advocates of Elizabeth said, "According to the opinion of the wisest men, and of the Catholic Universities which were consulted, the marriage of Catharine to Henry VIII. was null, and contrary to the divine law; his marriage to Anne Boleyn was, therefore, valid.” The King, however, by the right which he enjoyed, declared Mary, the daughter of Catharine, worthy of the throne; and if this disposition of the Will is recognised, the following, in favour of Elizabeth, is not to be rejected out of mere partiality. "Should it be objected that Mary Tudor inherited, not by virtue of the Will, but of her natural right, the same may be said of Elizabeth; and if the divorce of Catharine of Arragon was not necessarily followed