the people honoured their young Queen more than any preceding Sovereign of the house of Tudor.

Under such favorable circumstances, the negociations with France, proceeded more rapidly, and terminated on the 2d of April, 1559, in the treaty of Cateau Cambresis. The most important condition with respect to England was, that Calais should be retained by France for eight years; hostages given for its due restoration, and security for 500,000 dollars. Francis and Mary acceded to this peace, but all the other reciprocal claims remained in full force, and, like other points relative to Scotland, were to be discussed in two months, and, if possible, amicably adjusted.(26) The necessary proposals for this purpose, were made on the part of Elizabeth in June, 1559; but before we speak more particularly of them, we must relate what had been passing meanwhile in Scotland, and had the greatest influence on the course of events.

The French court considered Scotland as a province belonging to France, and the only question was in what manner it should be governed. The opinion of the Constable Montmorency was not to persecute the protestants if they obeyed the civil government: the Guises, on the contrary, demanded their entire extirpation, and paid no regard to the well-founded remonstrances and warnings of their sister Mary, the Queen Regent. The latter, instead of opposing with

increased energy, at length yielded as usual to their opinions; and when the Protestants loudly complained of the return of rigorous measures, and the non-performance of positive promises, she said, very inconsiderately, the promises of Princes are valid only so long as appears to them to be useful. She invited all the reformed Clergy to appear at Stirling on the 10th of May, 1559, to give a strict account of themselves; but, when they appeared with numerous attendants, promised that no proceedings should be instituted at Stirling, provided they would remain peaceable. Yet scarcely had those who were assembled dispersed, when Mary caused the absentees to be condemned as disobedient. This new and unjust deception filled all with indignation, and they found in John Knox a man who, placing himself at their head, gave from that time a more decided tendency to the Scotch Reformation.

John Knox, born in the year 1505, the son of respectable parents in easy circumstances, studied in Glasgow according to the fashion of those times, became acquainted, in the sequel, with the works of St. Jerome and St. Augustine, was led by them to study the Bible, and embraced the Protestant religion in 1542. He had no philosophical education, properly speaking, and in learning he cannot be placed on a level with the more eminent divines. He had, however, fully adopted the views and principles of Calvin, nay, in some points, he went be

yond the austerity of his master.

Knox was a

exalted above

man of indefatigable activity, far self-interest and corruption, bold and immoveable even in the greatest danger. The firmest faith in the immortality of the soul, and reconciliation with God, accompanied him through life, and raised him above all subordinate considerations. But his prejudices as well as his convictions were indelible, and his feelings everywhere subject to his principles. With too great austerity he disapproved all the cheerful enjoyments of life, and thought that pious exercises, sufferings, and cares, ought to fill up these days of trial. Moderation, patience, mildness, love of peace, were not among the number of his virtues, and he was less qualified to cherish and foster what was good, in the spirit of Christian charity, than to pull down with unsparing hand, what appeared to him worthy of condemnation. (2) He accordingly considered the unconditional extirpation of popery as a paramount duty, and as the greatest gain: though far from actual lust of vengeance, he was, in his opposition to the advocates of persecution, himself a persecutor, and forgot the decorum, nay, even the duties of a subject, to attain what he considered as his highest object. No man, he taught, should be at the head of the Church, no clergyman take on himself civil offices and duties. If any one who, on account of his power and situation, cannot be reached by the arm of the law, commits crimes

deserving of death, he may be killed by individuals. If princes refuse to reform the Church, the inferior magistrates and the people, guided by the clergy, may undertake the task. In general there are cases in which the people must decide on the abuse of the supreme authority, and take steps against it. In this spirit Knox approved of the murder of Cardinal Beatoun, was hereupon kept a prisoner for nineteen months, till February, 1549, in the French Gallies, lived afterwards for a time in England, then from the year 1554, in Geneva, and on his return, drew up the Remonstrance of the Protestants, which we have before mentioned, and which was so ill received by the Queen Regent. In the year 1556, he left Scotland for the second time, and was then (not to speak of other accusations,) condemned as a heretic, and burnt in effigy in Edinburgh. But even when at a distance he exercised, by his correspondence, a powerful influence on the affairs of the Scotch Church, and when the misunderstandings increased, boldly returned to his native country at the beginning of May, 1559. The zeal of this austere man was revived, by the equivocal conduct of the Regent, and the continuance of all the old abuses, even more than by the confirmation of the former sentence, and the danger of being made a prisoner at Stirling.

On the 11th of May, immediately after the above-mentioned condemnation of the dispersed

Reformers, he preached in Perth with the greatest vehemence against the mass, idolatrous worship and the adoration of images. (28) When a priest, undeterred by this warning, immediately proceeded to read mass, a young man designated this as idolatry, for which he received a blow; upon this he threw stones at the priest, by which a painting was damaged. In this manner arose a dreadful destruction of images, which soon spread over the greater part of the kingdom. Innumerable works of art, and altars, were broken to pieces, libraries annihilated, the finest churches plundered, and a hundred and seventy, or, as others affirm, two hundred and sixty monasteries were successively demolished; the noble remains of which, even in indifferent representations, still excite our interest and veneration. Knox had not the power, nay, not even the will to check these outrages, but said, "When the nests are destroyed, the crows will not come back." It is alleged too, if not to justify, yet to excuse, these actions, that the persecuting spirit of the catholics and the faithlessness of the Queen, still more than the sermons of Knox, had soured all the passions of the people, and impelled them to such excesses. In comparison with the advantages which have arisen from the complete triumph of protestantism, the loss is but trifling; and a good: general cannot be blamed if he destroys the works of fortresses which he has taken. Many a one who