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frailty and emptiness of everything human, yet the energy implanted in them by God raises them again, and it is only at the end of its mortal career that the mind in sadness and hope turns exclusively to what is eternal and imperishable. Hence Elizabeth, a few months before her death, said to the French ambassador, "I am weary of life, as nothing any longer satisfies my mind or gives me pleasure." And yet even according to the accounts of those who mention these conjectures of jealousy, regret, &c., her end was very different from what half-informed persons suppose. She died, says

Camden, on the 3d of April, 1603, the most gentle death, such as Augustus wished for. Johnston relates, after the strength of the body had been much weakened by the reaction of the struggling spirit, she bore her last sufferings with the greatest patience and firmness, and died gently and tranquilly after pious conversations, with her mind directed to God. In the last days, says Thuanus, both body and mind were exhausted; but a gentle peaceful death closed the happiest life, as it was preceded by nothing melancholy and ominous, no impatience at pain, no torture or convulsions.

We are very sensible that our character of Elizabeth, like that of the Emperor Charles V., remote as we are from all reasons for predilection and aversion, will be accused of partiality; for no one will take anything upon credit, nor give him

self the trouble of investigating the original authorities, setting aside all prejudices. Instead of any other justification, we will give at the conclusion the opinion of the greatest historian of those times, namely, Thuanus, a Frenchman and a Roman Catholic, who will, probably, be allowed to be impartial. The following is the substance of it. "Elizabeth was of a lofty and manly spirit, rapidly matured for the serious business of life by her early fortune. She governed by her own understanding, not through that of others; ably combined moderation with prudence, was severe only to the arrogant and intractable nobility, but mild to all others; so that from the very beginning she inspired the former with respect and the latter with affection: rewarding real merit; frugal in order not to oppress her people; far from extravagant and intemperate enjoyments; acting with equanimity, and foreseeing the future. She loved peace, but under the female government the courage and glory of her people was not impaired. If vanity and a desire to please diminished her reputation, they never affected her firm and thereby uninterrupted government. She spoke too of her age, and called herself an old woman. In her were seen noble virtues, worthy of the greatest King, and but a few defects, excusable by her sex. Many sought to obscure her glory out of religious hatred, and ascribed to cruelty what she did only from necessity

and for her own safety; so that to do away with the envy which some feel, nothing is wanted but time, which will in future prove to be the best panegyrist of Elizabeth, since nothing comparable to her is to be found in the history of the past era, will easily be found in that of the future." Cardinal Richelieu, who excluded all women from the direction of public affairs, adds, "Yet this century has produced one who cannot be sufficiently extolled." Anna of Este, the mother of the Guises, an enemy of Elizabeth, said of her, "She is the most glorious and most happy of women that ever bore the sceptre;" and in the same spirit, Lord Russel, a liberal Whig says, "Of the English, perhaps of all sovereigns of modern times, the first place belongs to Elizabeth."(67)

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NOTES TO CHAPTER III.

(1) Page 293. Collier, vol. II., p. 638. Differences gradually arose relative to the dogmas, which, not being so decisive, we pass over for brevity's sake. Neal, vol. I., p. 451. The Puritans were invariably opposed to the Catholics and to Queen Mary. Hallam, vol. III., p. 263.

(2) Page 294. So far as they desired to render the State entirely subordinate to their spiritual rule, they were on the way to a more than Papal tyranny, Vaughan, vol. I., p. 66. Hallam, vol. III., p. 263-282.

(3) Page 295. On this subject Elizabeth said, "I know very well what would satisfy the Catholics, but can never learn with what the Puritans would be contented." Monteith's History of the Troubles, p. 13.

(4) Page 299. Cartwright, Professor in Cambridge, (who was expelled in the sequel,) was a chief advocate of the Puritans. Neal, vol. I., p. 212. Villiers, vol. II., p. 524.

266.

(5) Page 301. The Convocation used to offer money for the Clergy, but then to refer the grant to the Lower House, where the affair proceeded in the usual course. Brodie, vol. I., p. When the Queen confirmed a resolution of the Convocation, it was binding on the Clergy, without the assent of Parliament, but not on the whole kingdom. Holinsh. vol. VI., p. 355. Collier, vol. II., p. 580-585. Neal, vol. I., p. 229 -243.

(6) Page 301. According to the Journals of the Commons,

vol. I., p. 104, the proceedings against Wentworth were instituted by the Lower House alone.

(7) Page 301. Even under George I. arrests took place on much weaker grounds. Hallam, vol. III., p. 348.

(8) Page 305. Thuan., book LXXIV., p. 15. Camden, p. 317-365. Busbecq. Epist. 19. Never's Mem. vol. I., p. 296. Cabala, vol. I., p. 334. Benillon, XLVII., p. 459.

(9) Page 307. Spotswood, p. 313. Stuart's Scotland, vol. II. p. 201. Elizabeth said to the bishop of St. Andrew's, “I wonder that James has had the Earl of Morton executed as guilty of the death of the King his father, and that he requires Archibald Douglas to be given up, in order to treat him in the same manner; why does not he desire his mother to be given up, in order to punish her for that crime?" Letters from M. de Mauvissière to the Queen of Scots, 1584, (no date of the month.) Bibl. Harl., 1582, fol. 398.

(10) Page 311. In January, 1583, Elizabeth said to the French Ambassador, Mauvissière, "If the Queen of Scotland had had anybody else to deal with, she would have lost her life long ago. She has a correspondence with rebels in England, agents in Paris, Rome, and Madrid, and carries on plots against me all over Christendom, the object of which (as messengers who have been taken confess,) is to deprive me of my kingdom and my life." Letters of M. de Mauvissière to King Henry III. Bibl. Harl., No. 1582, fol. 324.

(11) Page 311. Burghley was only a political enemy to Mary. In the summer of 1573, he prevailed on Elizabeth to allow her to visit Buxton for the benefit of the waters. She went thither in the custody of the Earl of Shrewsbury and of his Countess Elizabeth. "I told her Majesty that if in very dede her sickness was to be relieved thereby, her Majesty could not in honor deny hir to have the natural remedy therof." Lodge, vol. II., p. 111. Nay, when Burghley had spoken to Mary at Buxton, Elizabeth reproached him, manifesting some

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