well as for the war, which had been approved and almost forced by the two houses. (4) This conduct proceeded from various motives, some particular and some general. Among the former was dislike of Buckingham, vexation at the marriage of the King with a Roman Catholic Princess, the oppression of the Puritans, their being unused to make large grants, &c. All these special motives coincided in one central point, namely, that a considerable number of very prudent and energetic men were convinced, that advantage should be taken of the right of granting supplies, to remove the defects that had hitherto existed in the public institutions, and to establish a more firm and free constitution. While one party, therefore, saw the highest political wisdom, and the final object of all government in the absolute preservation of every thing that existed, the second party was not disposed to be satisfied with merely maintaining the existing institutions, but desired to extend its rights; and the King, who ought to have found and supported the true medium between two dangerous extremes, did not enter on any strict examination of the several points, but saw only treason and rebellion in every attempt to retain or to alter against his will, and to call in question the unlimited extent of his power. What Elizabeth, by the great energy and versatility of her mind always found means to adapt to existing circumstances, the Stuarts en

deavoured to carry by insisting on certain abstract notions, without regard to unfavorable circumstances, not perceiving that by their partial inferences from the divine unlimited rights of Kings, equally dangerous conclusions of the sovereignty of the people might be drawn.

A disastrous plague,(5) which carried off many thousand persons in London, made it necessary to suspend the sittings of Parliament. When it met again at Oxford on the 4th of August, the King caused the state of affairs to be again laid before it, together with the account of his expenditure, as well as of the debts left by James. He then added, "Consider, I beg you, that the eyes of all Europe are turned upon me, and that I shall appear ridiculous if you abandon me. Consider that this is my first attempt, if it fails it will be for ever injurious to my honour; and if this consideration does not move you, think of your own reputation and deliver me from a situation in which you have engaged me, that it may not be said that you had quite deceived me. In fine, three of the best orators, honour, safety, and ability, equally advise the prompt settlement of these affairs.”

When the debates on granting the supplies began on the 6th of August, some were of opinion that they ought only to consider the necessity of the moment, to proceed with forbearance, and not, by new complaints, give occasion to dissensions. Others

replied, that the grievances which had not been remedied should be again urged, the management of the public revenue hitherto be inquired into, and the church and religion more regarded than temporal affairs. When Mr. Edward Clarke observed on this occasion, that some speeches had been made with unreasonable acrimony, the loudest marks of disapprobation were expressed, and he was compelled to receive upon his knees the sentence of the House, which condemned him to imprisonment. During the subsequent days many points were brought forward, such as the strict execution of the laws against Popery, the Jesuits, Roman Catholic worship, education abroad, insufficient religious instruction, &c., for which reason the King, on the 10th of August, again urged the hastening of the supplies, and promised, that in case there should not be sufficient time for the discussion of all other matters, he would call the Parliament together again in winter. When, after this application, some members again alleged, that justice and honour required a speedy grant, and that delay only increased the evil and the embarrassment, the House voted two subsidies, towards which, however, the Roman Catholics were to pay double. The King passed the bill, but proved that it was insufficient, on which the Parliament, without directly denying this assertion, resolved, on the 11th of August, before any further

discussion on pecuniary matters, to investigate the grievances which it appeared would chiefly relate to the administration of the ministers and the influence of Buckingham. To avoid this danger, or at least this mortification, the King dissolved the Parliament on the 12th of August. Before the members of the Lower House broke up, they declared before God and the world that they would always remain faithful subjects to their most gracious King, and were ready to consider and remedy all grievances in a Parliamentary manner, as well as to grant all the necessary supplies. They begged the King always to depend on the true and cordial attachment of his poor Commons, and to look upon them as the greatest earthly support and security of a just sovereign, and those as calumniators of the people and enemies of the state who should dare to affirm the contrary.

To this official declaration were added reproaches of various kinds; the Parliament had indeed approved in general the war with Spain, which, however, did not justify the bad conduct of the campaign and the injudicious expenditure of money. Still less was it to be excused that ships were lent to Popish France to enable it the more easily to subdue the Protestants in Rochelle, and that forced loans were required, which was contrary to the established rights of Parliament and to the Coronation oath; which says, "the King shall maintain all

laws, rights, and customs."

and customs." These well-founded complaints, want of money, and the unfortunate result of an enterprise against Cadiz, induced the King to call a new Parliament in February, 1626. In order, however, that the leaders of the former opposition and the adversaries of Buckingham might not be again elected, they were nominated sheriffs, or nominated to other offices, which petty, suspicious proceeding, indeed, rendered it impossible for them to exercise their influence in one place, but increased it in the other("), and confirmed many in their resolution to obtain influence and importance by opposing the measures of the government.

The speech with which the Lord Keeper, Coventry, opened this second Parliament in the name of the King, on the 6th of February, 1626, contained fewer facts and explanations of the state of affairs, than rhetorical phrases which were not even happily chosen, but indicated, or even plainly expressed, dangerous principles. Thus it gave great offence, that he said, "there is an immense interval between the highest elevation of the Majesty of a powerful monarch, and the submissive respect and humility of a loyal subject. That exalted Majesty condescends to admit the meanest of his subjects, or rather to invite them to consult with him," &c.

Instead of beginning by granting the supplies, as the King wished and hoped, the Parliament appointed several committees to make accurate