dent because the constitution enumerates those powers, and because it expressly declares, that all the powers not specifically granted to Congress are retained by the States severally. The principle of granting to Congress additional powers by unlimited construction of the Constitution, is therefore obviously inconsistent with the genius of our government; and, if not opposed, would soon entirely change the happy balance of power between the State and general governments established by our fathers, and -terminate in consolidation.

This view of our national constitution has been and still is entertained by the great mass of our ablest statesmen. It is entertained by the Supreme Court itself, the highest authority for expounding the constitution and laws of the union,1 and has recently been set forth in colours that cannot be mistaken, in the able and lucid proclamation of the President of the United States: "The people of the United States formed the Constitution; acting through the State Legislatures in making the compact to meet and to discuss its provisions, and acting in separate Conventions when they ratified those provisions; but the terms used in its construction, show it to be a government, in which the people of all the States collectively are represented.

-The Constitution of the United States, then, forms a government, not a league. It is a government in which all the people are represented, which operates directly on the people individually, not upon the States. But each State having expressly parted with so many powers as to constitute jointly with the other States a single nation, cannot from that time possess any right to secede, because such secession does not break a league, but destroys the unity of a nation," &c. The different predilection of our citizens, for a free or a rigid construction of

1 See Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in Harrison vs. Hunter's lessee. I Wheaton's Reports 323.

2 See the Proclamation of Andrew Jacksón, President of the United States, in regard to the convention of South Carolina, December 10, 1832.

the Constitution in reference to the powers of the general government, are the basis (so far as principle is concerned) of the distinction between the two great national parties which have from the beginning existed in our land. Violent party spirit, especially when based on no political principles, but amounting to mere contest for office, is doubtless unchristian and dangerous; but the intelligent and upright intellectual conflict about the principles of our government and the influence of particular laws, that is, genuine, honest party spirit, is the duty of every faithful citizen and friend of his country, and is necessary to the purity of our political institutions. It is for these reasons that we have felt it a duty to expand our remarks on this article of the Confession, farther than we would otherwise have been disposed; especially as principles of the most dangerous nature have been boldly asserted in some sections of our country, and it thus becomes more imperiously the duty of every Christian patriot to study the principles and vindicate the integrity of our happy political institutions.

The establishment of any religion by law, is happily and explicitly forbidden in the Constitution of the Union. Our fathers justly believed, that religion ought now, as was the case in the days of the apostles, be left to take care of itself. Hence they regarded the Federal Government as a compact formed for civil and not religious purposes; and its designs are fully accomplished, its appropriate functions fully discharged, when it has secured and regulated our civil interests. It is inhibited

1 The structure of the several State governments varies much, and is more or less republican according as the right of suffrage and eligibility to office are more or less generally extended, and according to the number of public offices which are filled not by executive appointment, but by popular election.

It is worthy of note, that whilst the patriots of the South have been distinguished for their able opposition to the increase of power in the national government by latitudinarian construction of the Constitution; their State governments are less republican than those of their Northern brethren.

from establishing any religious test, or in any way interfering with the rights of conscience. It is unquestionable, that the prosperity of the Christian religion and the permanence of our fabric of civil government, depend on a firm resistance to the least abandonment of this ground. The writer does not believe any sect in the nation, nor even the leaders of any Protestant church either contemplate or would desire an establishment by law; but if, at any time, symptoms of such a disposition should appear, he would regard it the duty of all true Christians to unite not only with each other, but also with infidels and deists to resist the attempt.

Our government therefore, according to its institutions, can neither persecute nor tolerate persecution. How fully the illustrious reformer Luther coincided with these views, even at a time when some other Reformers observed a different practice, is seen from his own nervous language: "Do you say, the civil government should indeed not force men to believe, but only interfere in order that the people be not led astray by false doctrine? and, how could heretics otherwise be put down? I answer, to counteract heresy is the business of ministers, not of the civil rulers. Here a different course must be pursued, and other weapons than the sword inust fight these battles. The word of God must here contend; if this proves unavailing, neither can civil governments remedy the evil, though they should deluge the earth in blood. Heresy is an intellectual thing, that cannot be hewn by the sword, nor burned with fire, nor drowned with water. The word of God alone can subdue it, as Paul says, "The weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds, casting down imaginations and every high thing that exalteth itself against the knowledge of God, and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ." 2 Cor. 10: 4. 5.

I See Luther's works (Walch's edition) Vol. 10. p. 461.

ARTICLE XVII.

Of Christ's Return to Judgment.

Our churches also teach, that at the end of the world, Christ will appear for judgment; that he will raise all the dead; that he will give to the pious and elect, eternal life and endless joys; but will condemn wicked men and devils to be punished without end.

They reject the opinions of the Anabaptists, who maintain, that the punishment of devils and condemned men, will have an end: in like manner they condemn those, who circulate the Judaizing notion, that prior to the resurrection of the dead, the pious will engross the government of the world, and the wicked be where oppressed. every [German: The pious will establish a separate temporal government and all the wicked be exterminated.]

The principal subjects touched on in this article, are the Millennium, the resurrection, the judgment and future eternal state of the righteous and the wicked.

THE MILLENNIUM.

I. The Confessors in this article justly repudiate the idea, which had dazzled the imaginations of the ancient Jews and

Chiliasts, and, it seems, found some advocates also among the Anabaptists of the sixteenth century, that the blessed Saviour would in the latter day personally appear on earth, and establish a theocracy not unlike that of the Old Testament. The sacred volume however no where inculcates this doctrine, although it evidently does predict, what has long been the cherished object of the Christian's prayer, that there will be an extraordinary and universal diffusion of the gospel over the whole earth, prior to the close of the present economy. Nor do the scriptures teach, that in this latter day of glory for Zion, the gospel will be received by every individual of the human family. For although there will be extraordinary outpourings of the Holy Spirit, these sacred influences will still not be irresisti ble, and therefore it is not probable that all without exception will submit to them. The rising race, moreover, would still exhibit the fruits of their depraved nature, until brought under the influence of godliness; and even Christians themselves will be sanctified but in part, will still exhibit the evidences of human frailty.

But the millennium will consist of an extraordinary and general diffusion of Christianity successively among all the nations of the earth, effected through the increased application of the appointed means of grace in all their legitimate forms, by professing Christians, accompanied by extraordinary effusions of the Holy Spirit.

1 The fact that even the ancient Jews fixed its duration at 1000 years, arose, it is thought, from a mystical interpretation of the Mosaic narrative of creation. A thousand years being as but one day with God, it was conjectured that the first six days of creation represent 6000 years of toil and adversity; but the seventh or sabbath day was regarded as a type of a thousand years' rest and prosperity to God's people on earth. In the New Testament, the same name and term of duration have found corroboration from a passage in Revelation, (ch. 20: 2. 3.,) supposed to refer to the future glorious spread of the gospel, in which Satan is said "to have been bound 1000 years."