dying in that A man may but if he dies

wrong, can avoid seeing the complicated barbarity of the slave trade, and it is my firm belief, that the persons engaged in it, either personally or indirectly, living and state, cannot enter the kingdom of heaven. commit murder yet live, repent, and be saved; in the very act, it is blasphemy against the purity of heaven to suppose he can be admitted there. Slave holders and slave dealers are not only literally murderers, but barbarous robbers too. Much might be said to show the injustice and iniquity of this deleterious commerce; but it would be degrading my readers to idiots, to suppose they did not see it themselves; and it would be degrading republicanism, much more religion, to bring them forward to prove the iniquity, inconsistency, and impolicy of slavery, especially in a republic; for here it is to the body politic what a galloping consumption is to an individual.

Finally, we must shut our eyes against reason, and basely insult our understandings, not to see its turpitude and fatal tendencies. In order that the most virulent advocate for slavery may be convinced, let him put himself and family in the condition of the slave, and then vindicate the principles if he can. But passing by all that might be said on this topic in a theological point of view, we will briefly consider the impolicy of slavery in a political view. It might easily be demonstrated, that permitting slavery in the republics of antiquity, was the primary cause of their downfall; and what they were, the southern states of America now are.

With what painful sensations must the philanthropist reflect on the present as well as the antecedent state of society in almost every part of our terraqueous globe. Indeed, whether we contemplate the state of civilized or savage nations-where literature flourishes, or where ignorance prevails the civilian in his mansion, or the cannibal in his hut —we see violence and oppression prevail, and we must impressively feel emotions of indignation and pity. The more circumspective our view, the more painful are our observations; and, alas! the mind is not elevated, but more deeply wounded, by reflecting on those legislators, who profess to be the friends of liberty. The mind in traversing the earth, beholds millions of wretched objects, the fruits of legal barbarity; then looks to the despot on his throne, the republican

in his presidential chair, the philosopher in his closet, the minister in his pulpit, and calls for justice, for pity, for commiseration—but calls, alas! in vain. Who can, without tears of compassion, view this theatre, whose exhibitions are most distressing, and whose inhabitants still encourage scenes at which humanity shudders, virtue mourns, indignation frowns, and liberty melts to tears!

I would ask the votaries of oppression what is civil government? It is not arbitrary power. It is not, or should not be, a contrast between miserable huts and splendid palaces, between penury and pomp, extravagance and indigence. It is not instituted to rob the poor man of his liberty, as well as his mite; increase the miseries of the miserable; exalt one part of society above the state of man, and degrade the other below the state of brutes. Civil government is no other than a national association, whose object is the happiness and se curity of every individual member of a state without partiality, and to administer justice without respect to persons, and at the least possible expense to the nation. Every individual in a republic, is a proprietor in government; as he has deposited his right in the common stock of society, he draws on the capital as a matter of right, and government should guaranty the rights and privileges of each citizen individually as well as all collectively. Is slavery consistent with such a government? It is impossible. The fact is, slavery is an indelible disgrace to the American constitution, as well as an eternal reproach to the whole nation. The more we extend our views, the more we investigate the principles of our governinent, so much the more cause we have to blush for the honour of human nature; and it is owing to our familiarity with scenes derogatory to every just, honest, and virtuous principle, that we do not shudder, and invincibly protest against the legislative procedure of our fellow-citizens. The Israelites protested against and punished the tribe of Benjamin for their cruelty to the Levite's concubine; but Americans see with indifference their fellow-citizens enslave, violate, and murder millions of their fellow creatures with impunity, and with their concurrence. I do not by any means wish to give offence, but I must affirm, that there are a set of men in the United States who, if allowed to put their principles in practice, will give the death blow to liberty, who has been

already chased round the globe, cashiered by her enemies, and wounded in the home of her friends. The characters alluded to may be included in the following description :Avaricious men, who are not to be trusted; bigoted men, who cannot see; prejudiced men, who will not see; cruel, ambitious, interested men, who would wade through seas of the blood of their fellow men, to exalt themselves, and gratify their vanity and pride; and this last class, let their professions, pretensions, or names be what they may, will be the cause of more calamities to our young republic than all the other three. Aristocracy, or the representation of any other kind of property, is disclaimed by the slaveholders of America, and so is the European law of primogeniture, which unjustly and ungenerously disinherits all the children of a nobleman, except the oldest son; one is exalted, and the rest are de based. This infamous law, and many others equally oppressive, are exhibited to popular animadversion and contempt by them, and yet this is only in minority what American slavery is in maturity. It was by allotting to particular men and families extraordinary power and privileges, that former republics were bereaved of their liberties, and precipitated into a terrible abyss of despotism, wretchedness, and degra dation. It is a well attested fact, that in any country where interested men are exalted, corruption naturally engenders around them. It is inhuman, it is diabolically wicked, for any government or nation to suffer thousands of human beings to be consigned to unutterable wretchedness, to support an individual villain, or a family of them, in their idleness, luxury, and dissipation; and yet this is the case in America, the country which, above all others, should discountenance oppression and despotism; to demonstrate which, a number of cogent reasons might be adduced; but as our limits will not admit us to enlarge, we will let a few suffice.

In the first place, domestic slavery has a natural tendency to be metamorphosed to national aristocracy, it being morally impossible to keep elections pure, where one part of society are exalted to demi-gods, and the other part degraded to beggars; (I am here alluding to the poor white people in the southern states;) for where one citizen, who by fraud or force, has gained the sovereignty over a thousand slaves, and sends his imperial commands over as many acres of land,

fifty must necessarily be in low circumstances; the conse quence of which is, one part of the citizens are furnished with the means of corruption, and the other part are put in a condition that they cannot avoid being corrupted. Any person who has studied human nature, may easily see the validity of this remark.

Secondly-There are no characters on our globe more naturally unfit to be legislators for a republic than slaveholders; because their ideas of distributive justice are corrupted in the very source. Their juvenile employment is to trample on the rights of their fellow men, and look with con. tempt on their poor neighbours, for, in fact, they are taught and educated so to do. I would ask, with what ideas of justice can such persons enter a house of legislation, or take the reins of government in their hands, who rob their African brethren of their liberties and lives, because, forsooth, they are black, and despise their virtuous fellow-citizens, because they are poor. Can a government consisting of such cha racters long continue free? It is utterly impossible. Such governments may, in point of theory, exhibit the appearance of liberty and equality, while the persons who were actors in, and witnesses of the revolution, live; but when they die even the appearance of liberty must die with them, if mankind continue to be as degenerate as they are at present. While Joshua lived, the Israelites served the Lord; but when he died, they soon degenerated.

Thirdly-The idea of a slaveholder being a good legislator or governor, is as inconsistent as to suppose a wolf would be a good shepherd, and defend, not devour, the sheep; or a fox would protect, not destroy, the poultry.

Fourthly-It is continuing the uncivilized principle well known in Europe, of governments becoming the property, by hereditary right, of individual despots or families of them. Though this sentiment is exploded by Americans, it is cer tain that the base idea of man having a property in man, and governing him by personal right, is not confined to Europe. There it embraces white men, here only coloured men ; but public opinion only controls the sentimental despot in the present generation, while the concomitant circumstances of the revolution are fresh in our minds, in the next generation that must naturally wear away; then despotism, which is

now confined to the poor blacks, the poor whites must participate. This will as naturally be the case, as that a little leaven will leaven the whole lump.

Fifthly-The encouragement of slavery in the southern states, by inculcating the idea that useful labour is degrading, is of infinite injury to the poor white people in the northern states.

Sixthly-It is a stubborn fact, that slavery has a tendency to degenerate even the patriotic, as well as the despotic, "as strong temptations with the best prevail." That supremacy in an individual, a family, or a state, is a forerunner of the annihilation of a republic, is as plain to me as a ray of light, and must be so to every one who will not wilfully shut his eyes. I here studiously forego discussing this subject in a religious way, though most congenial to my sentiments, and agreeable to my taste. None can say that these arguments are the offspring of fanaticism or enthusiastic vision. They are a few disinterested political reasons, collected as it were to a focus, where thousands might be adduced, to demonstrate the deleterious tendencies of nourishing slavery in a republic. Here, however, I would transcribe one paragraph from my "Address to the Inhabitants of Christendom," page 172."These are serious considerations, whatever oppressors or their abetters, persons judicially infatuated, may think; there is a minute account of all their barbarities in the records of eternity. And wo to all tyrants, despots, and oppressors, when the accounts are settled: or to use the language of scripture, when they are weighed in the balance, for they doubtless will be found wanting. The most populous and famous nations of antiquity have been called to a reckoning; and the most haughty kingdoms have sunk to ruin, when the balance was struck. Were unenlightened nations punished, and punished with severity; and can the enlightened escape with impunity? Such a supposition the justice of the Almighty forbids, as blasphemy against the rectitude of heaven. It is not the benediction of a prelate, the eloquent speech of a potentate, or the proclamation of a prime minister, that will repay the blood of India, requite the wretchedness of Africa, or appease the anger of heaven-SERIOUS, SOLEMN CONSIDERATIONS."

This paragraph applies to American as well as European