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FRASER'S

MAGAZINE.

JULY 1871.

FROM

HOME GOVERNMENT FOR IRELAND.
BY AN IRISH LIBERAL.

ROM the sublime to the ridi-
culous, from the Franco-
Prussian war to the Irish Federal-
ists:' so spoke a Dublin editor not
long ago. Very likely he was right.
Nevertheless a movement may be
ridiculous and dangerous at the
same time. In Ireland, most un-
fortunately, this is not uncommonly
the case.
In that most peculiar
country men are under a great
temptation to look at things in a
local and narrow spirit. The early
bird is a nuisance from the point of
view of the worm; and from the
point of view of an Irishman who
cannot or will not look beyond his
own island, many ideas seem laud-
able which appear manifestly chi-
merical to men of wider vision.
This last new phase of Irish opinion
may be as harmless as it is sense-
less-as transitory as it is devoid of
political value; but it may also be
the prelude to a serious agitation:

the little rift within the lute Which by-and-by will make the music

mute.

People say that the notion of a federation between England and Ireland is absurd. Very likely. Still to despise it overmuch might be to imitate the Parisian badauds who fancied the pyrotechnic display at Saarbrücken introductory to the easy and complete subjection of Germany. Fortunately we have an authoritative statement of the views

VOL. IV. NO. XIX. NEW SERIES.

of the Dublin separatists from the hand of the only very able man of the party. All illusions have a tendency to increase if not promptly dispelled, and Ireland is of all lands that in which the political mirage is most frequent and most deceptive.

6

Be it known, then, that there exists in Dublin a certain Home Government Association. It is not a very thriving concern. Funds are low, and popular support is at present wanting. Nevertheless, with sublime unconsciousness of their own weakness, the promoters of the movement, in emulation of the Tooley Street tailors, are pleased to consider themselves the people of Ireland, and to stigmatise those who do not agree with them as an English faction.' Their programme is simple but comprehensive-nothing less than the dissolution of the present Union, and the substitution of a Federal Bund. is not at present intended that the Irish Parliament should be altogether independent: it is to be a local legislature, and the Imperial Parliament is still to contain Irish representatives. In other words, Irishmen are to have the privilege of legislating for England and Scotland, while the people of Great Britain are to have no voice in the affairs of Ireland. It is even whispered that the members of the Home Legislature have actually been nomi

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nated by our self-constituted constituent committee, and the rumour is so absurd that it is not improbably well founded. So far there is nothing to distinguish this new movement from any of the thousand forms into which the Protean spirit of Irish disaffection has entered both before and since the Union. But when we come to consider the composition of the Association we shall find grave cause for reflec

tion.

1

The most prominent leader of the agitation is of course Mr. Isaac Butt, Q.C. His eloquence and intellectual powers, directed with the practised skill of a great lawyer, enable him to make the best of any cause he may choose to advocate. His pamphlet has reached a third edition, and it is the only work of the slightest consequence which we as yet owe to the Association. Next to Mr. Butt in celebrity is Sir William Wilde, an eminent oculist, and an amateur archaeologist of great fame, but who until lately has, so far as is known to the outer world, loved to meddle in politics as little as the needy knife-grinder. Mr. Shaw, M.P. for Bandon, is best known as having been the first to free that old Protestant borough from the domination of the Bernard family. The Rev. Joseph Galbraith is a Fellow of Trinity College, and has been Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University of Dublin. Mr. Laurence Waldron has been, what he will never be again, M.P. for Tipperary; he is an Education Commissioner, and the possessor of large property. Mr. Edward Purdon has been Lord Mayor of Dublin. So far the list is not a very formidable one. The Association is, however, a sort of Cave of Adullam, where discontented Toryism has taken refuge. The Orangeman and the Roman Catholic have kissed each other, the Fenian ap

plauding loudly. It is as it was in the days of the United Irishmen :

ξυνώμοσαν γὰρ ὄντες ἔχθιστοι τὸ πρὶν πῦρ καὶ θάλασσα.

Discontent makes strange bedfellows. The copy recalls the original in a feeble and undecided manner still both find dilettante admirers. Peers and M.P.'s do not openly espouse the new doctrines, but they flirt with them more or less openly. The Dublin Evening Mail, the old organ of Orangeism, is very strong on the subject. The Irish Times, whose hand is against every man, lends a fitful support. But the real Nationalist prints, the Irishman and his congeners, have widely different objects, as the Federalists very well know. From a Federal Union, in which our local affairs are to be managed by a kind of aggravated Grand Jury, to the Republic democratic and social, is a very long way indeed. But even the Red Spectre, never quite hidden in these days, does not frighten our theorists, and they play with the Mephistophelean fires like children who do not know the danger.

Mr.

The principal public appearance of the Association has been on the occasion of a dinner to Mr. John Martin, the nationalist and ci-devant rebel, who has lately beaten the clerical candidate in Meath. Martin's views go much farther than those of his entertainers. Some extracts from them, as reported in the Dublin Evening Mail of February 6 last, show how completely he is prepared to break through the cobwebs of the constitution mongers.

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In June 1844,' he says, 'I became a member of the Repeal Association; there has been no change whatever in my political creed and principles of action.' Alluding to the rebellion of 1848, he says, 'A friend of mine, then and now, John Mitchel, was the boldest advocate of resist

Irish Federalism: its Meaning, its Objects, and its Hopes. By Isaac Butt. Third Edition. Dublin: Falconer. London: Ridgway. 1871.

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