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of a good family, and was much respected by Julian, who by letters several times sent to him to come to court, which Chrysanthius always declined. However, in that reign, he was made high-priest of Lydia: of which event Eunapius, in his life, writes in this manner: Chrysanthius then receiving the high-priesthood of the whole nation, and well knowing what would 'come to pass, he was far from being troublesome in the exercise of his authority, not erecting new temples, as almost all men earnestly importuned him to do, nor extremely vexatious to any of the Christians. But such was the simplicity of his behaviour, that the restoration of the sacred rites in Lydia was hardly perceived. So that, though formerly things had been managed after ⚫ another manner, yet now there seemed not to be any innovation, nor was there any thing surprizing or tumultuous in the alteration, but all things tended to calmness and serenity. And he only was admired, whilst all others were tossed in a storm.'

Here again, as seems to me, Eunapius shews moderation. He approves of the mildness and gentleness of Chrysanthius. At the same time there is an intimation that, in Julian's time, the proceedings were more violent and tumultuous in many other places.

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8. In the life of Proæresius Eunapius tells a long story of Anatolius, in the time of Con stantius, which is very proper to be inserted here. But I think it best first of all to give some account of Anatolius from other writers.

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Says Photius: We read the work of Vindanius Anatolius of Berytus, concerning agricul It is a collection out of several writers upon the same subject, such as Democritus, and Africanus, and Tarantinus, Apuleius also, and Florentius, Valens, Leon, and Pamphilus, and likewise from the Paradoxes of Diaphones. The work consists of twelve books or sections. It 'contains many useful directions for agriculture and husbandmen; and may be reckoned one of the best books that have been written upon the subject. At the same time here are inserted ⚫ many strange and incredible things savouring of the error of Gentilism. But a pious husbandman may let those things alone, and select only what is useful.'

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Several learned men, and particularly Valesius, are of opinion that this is the same Anatolius, who, having passed through other high offices in the state, came at length to be præfect of Illyricum in 358, as appears from Ammianus Marcellinus, in which office he died in * 360. Valesius's note upon Ammianus, who has distinctly mentioned his præfecture of Illyricum in the time of Constantius, is so clear and instructive, that " I shall transcribe a part of it below for the use of attentive readers.

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Several of the letters of Libanius are written to Anatolius, and in divers of them notice is taken of his præfecture of Illyricum, which was a station of great honour.. In one of them he says: He could not but be greatly pleased that he was advanced to that dignity, which is superior to all others: for,' says he we Syrians are proud when we can give a man to the Romans who is able to direct the affairs of the state.' In another letter to Anatolius he tells him that he had been informed by a person who was present, that, beside other commendable things, he said to the emperor, when he was going away to the government of the province to

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Eunap. ibid. p. 148, et Suid. V. Xpuravios.

» Ο δε Χρυσάνθιος, την αρχιεροσύνην τε παντος εθνες λαβων, και το μέλλον εξεπίςαμενος σαφώς, 8 βαρύς ην κατά την εξεσίαν, ετε τες νέως εγείρων, ώσπερ άπαντες θερμως και περι καως, ες ταύτα συνέθεσα οτε λυπων τίνας των Χρισιανων περιτ τως αλλα τοσαυτε τις ην άπλοτης το ήθος, ως κατα Λυδίαν μinpe nai edaber i Twv iepuv enavopiwois. x. A. Vit. Chrysant. 148, 149. c P. 117, &c.

« Ανεγνώσθη Ουινδάνιο Ανατόλιο Βερντια συναγωγή γεωργικων επιτηδευματων-Εχει δ' όμως ενια και τετο το βιβλίον τερατώδη και απιςα, και της Ελληνικής πλάνης υποπλεα· ὁ δει τον ευσεβή γηπόνον εκτρεπομενον, των λοιπων συλλεγειν τα Xenoia. x. λ. Phot. Cod. 163. p. 349.

Vide Gothofredi Prosopograph. Cod. Theodos. et Tillemont. L'Emp. Constance, art. 50. T. 4. p. 840, 841, art. 66, P. 903.

Geminâ consideratione alacrior, [Constantius]-quod que Anatolio regente per Illyricum Præfecturam, necessaria cuncta, vel ante tempus coacta, sine ullius dispendiis adfluebant. Amm. 1. 19. c. xi. p. 243.

Habita est iisdem diebus etiam Florentii ratio- -et Ana

tolio recens mortuo Præfecto Prætoriò per Illyricum, ad ejus mittitur locum. Id. 1. 21. cap. vi. p. 296.

h Anatolius Syrus, Beryto oriundus, cum scientiam juris civilis in patriâ didicisset, Romam profectus admissusque in Palatium, per omnes honorum gradus ad Præfecturæ culmen adscendit. Vir etiam inimicorum judicio admirabilis, ut scribit Eunapius in Proæresio, quem jucundum erit legere. Erat autem sacrificiis et Græcanica religioni imprimis addictus, teste ibidem Eunapio. Unde fere adducor, ut credam eum ipsum esse, quem Photius in Bibliotheca Vindamum Anatolium appellat, Berytium, qui de Re Rustica scripsit, cultu Ethnicum, ut Photius testatur Ejus porro industriam, vigilantiam, integritatem, magnitudinem animi, et eloquentiam magnopere commendat Libanius in epistolâ 15. [18 ap. Wolf.] Qui cum Præfectura codicillis- donatus, jamque in Illyricum profecturus Imperatori valediceret, hæc inter cætera dixisse fertur: Posthæc, Imperator, neminem nocentem dignitas a supplicio liberabit, &c. Vales. ad Ammian, 1. 19. cap. xi. p. 243. iLiban. ep. 394. p. 201. Wolf. edit. an. 1738. Liban, ep. 466. p. 233.

<which he was appointed: "Henceforward no dignity shall protect an offender from punishment: let him be one of the judges or a military man, if he transgress the laws he shall be called to an account for it." In another letter to Anatolius, he celebrates his great mind, his integrity, his eloquence.

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We have evidently discerned from Ammianus that Anatolius was præfect of Illyricum under Constantius in 358, and 359. Some think he had been put into that office by Constans in the year 348, and that Eunapius says as much.

I shall now transcribe a good part of what Eunapius says of Anatolius in his life of Proæresius.

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'Anatolius,' he says, was of Berytus in Phoenicia, a man studious of eloquence, which also he attained, well skilled in the laws, and a great patron of learning, and so prosperous in his designs, that, going to Rome, and being well received in the emperor's palace, he passed through several high offices of the state with the applause even of his enemies, till at length he ⚫ was advanced by the emperor to the præfecture of Illyricum. to the præfecture of Illyricum. And being a lover of sacri'ficing, and extremely zealous of Hellenism, though at that time the stream ran another way; and having, by virtue of his high office, a privilege of visiting the best parts of the empire, and of directing things as he pleased; he was seized with a certain golden phrensy of seeing Greece: but before he went thither, he sent a problem to be considered by the sophists there, and desiring them to exert themselves, and to givet he best solution they were able.' 'According to Eunapius, the sophists there fell into vexatious disputes about the state of the question, and the best method of solving it. One of them,' as he says, was Himerius the sophist of Bythy⚫nia. At length Anatolius came to Athens. Upon his arrival he offered sacrifices in a splendid manner, and visited the temples as the sacred institution required. He then called for the sophists, and invited them to produce their arguments. But,' as Eunapius says, they shewed 'so much self-love, and vanity, and such ambition to be preferred each one above the other, that Anatolius despised them, and pitied the parents whose children were under the care of • such instructors. Proæresius then was called for, who was the only one that had not yet appeared. He spoke to the point in question with so much perspicuity, as to give Anatolius 'complete satisfaction. And,' as Eunapius assures us, Proæresius was greatly honoured by Anatolius; the rest he hardly thought worthy to sit at his table.'

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This story cannot be read without making some reflections.

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(1.) It is easy from this temper of Anatolius, as well as from many other things that come before us, to perceive how great was the affection of many for ancient Gentilism, and how difficult it was to persuade men to alter the sentiments in which they had been educated.

(2.) Secondly, We see here, in Eunapius himself, an acknowledgment of the defects of edu cation at Athens, a thing insisted on by Gregory Nazianzen, whose accounts are here confirmed.

(3.) Once more, I reckon that we here see an instance of the candour of Anatolius, in the respect which he shewed to Proæresius, who was a Christian. He allowed him to have a superior excellence above the other sophists at Athens. In short, Anatolius, though a Gentile, was a man of great learning, good judgment, and much candour. He was also a faithful subject and able officer under the emperor Constantius. Indeed, he is commended by all who have had occasion to speak of him.

One of the orations of Himerius is in praise of the præfect Anatolius. Photius has made some extracts out of it. But as there are not in them any historical facts, I transcribe nothing from them.

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Anatolius is likewise commended by Aurelius Victor, and for the same useful public services, which are mentioned to his honour by Ammianus Marcellinus.

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9. There is another like story in the life of Chrysanthius. The exact time of it does not appear to me: but, probably, it might be in the time of Valentinian and Valens. • But' says Eunapius, the business of the Christians prevailing, and spreading itself far and wide, there came so far as from Rome a præfect of Asia, whose name was Justus. He was now considerably advanced in years, but of a generous and noble disposition, and one who had not relinquished the ancient rites and ceremonies of his country: but was a professor of that blessed and happy way of life, and was continually in the sacred offices of religion, and fond of all sorts of divination, highly valuing himself likewise upon this temper of mind, and the right performance of these things. He, crossing from Constantinople to Asia, and finding a governor in the country to his heart's desire, whose name was Hilarius, erected some extem'pore altars, (for there were none there,) and if he found any ruins of a temple, he set his hands to repair it. Having appointed a public sacrifice, he sent an invitation to all who were of note in those parts for learning to come to him. Thereupon great numbers soon resorted to him: and Justus sacrificed in the presence of the writer of this work, and others.' It appears from what follows that Chrysanthius also was there.

So writes Eunapius with an excellent relish for Hellenism.

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10. In the life of Maximus, which is the fifth in order, Eunapius has several times mentioned Julian, and refers to the fuller account which he had given of him in his History of the Roman Emperors. He says, particularly, the family of Constantine failing, Julian only was left; who, by reason of his tender age, and mildness of temper, was much despised. Yet he was waited on by the emperor's eunuchs, and others, who were placed about him as spies, to see that he continued a good Christian.' He goes on to extol Julian's ready wit and uncommon memory. So swift progress he made in learning as to cause uneasiness even to his mas⚫ters, who had nothing more that they could teach him. And Constantius was well enough pleased to see him study philosophy, instead of minding the affairs of state.' He adds, that Julian was old, when young:' meaning that he was old in wisdom and science when young ' in years.'

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In the same life he says, that Julian was sent into Gaul with the title of Cæsar, not so much • that he might rule there, but rather with hopes that so difficult a government would prove his ⚫ ruin. But, contrary to all expectation, through the good providence of the gods, he carried all before him: at which time it was unknown that he was a worshipper of the gods.'

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It is not unlikely that here we see some things transferred from his History of the Roman Emperors into this work of the lives of sophists and philosophers.

11. Oribasius, a friend of Julian, is one of the sophists or philosophers whose lives are written in this work; he has therefore a distinct chapter for him, but it is not long: it may be worth our while to take a part of it.

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Oribasius,' says Eunapius, was born at Pergamus, and was descended from parents of good condition. He made a quick progress in the liberal arts, which greatly conduce to virHe studied under the great Zeno at the same time with Magnus, whom he greatly excelled. Indeed he hastened to the summit of the medical art, imitating his country god as 'far as it is possible for man to imitate divinity. [I suppose he means Esculapius, who had an 'ancient temple at Pergamus.] Being in great reputation, even in early life, Julian, when he was made Cæsar, took him to be with him as his physician. He also excelled in other qualifi

• Simul noscendis ocyus, quæ ubique e Rep. gerebantur, admota media publici cursûs. Quod equidem munus, satis utile, in pestem orbis Romani vertit posteriorum avaritia, insolentiaque; nisi quod his annis suffectæ vires Illyrico sunt, Præfecto medente Anatolio. Aur. Vict. de Cæsar. in Trajano. cap. 13. Ammian. 1. 19. cap. xi. p. 243.

• Τ8 δε των Χρισιανων εννικωντος έργα, και κατέχοντος άπαντα, δια μακρο τις απο της Ρώμης εισεφοίτησεν αρχών της Ασίας Ιερός ονομάζετο πρεσβύτης μεν ηδη κατα την ηλικιαν γενναίος και αλλως το ήθος, και αρχαιας και πατρις πολιτειας εκ απηλλαγμένος αλλα τον ευδαιμονα και μακαριον εκείνον

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⚫fications, insomuch that he raised Julian to the empire, as is shewn by us in our history of his ⚫ reign: but afterwards he felt the strokes of envy. And because of his great fame, the emperors, who succeeded Julian, stript him of all he had. And after deliberating whether they should put him to death, they sent him into banishment among cruel barbarians. [Eunapius does not say who those barbarians were.] In that hostile country he exhibited proofs of his abilities, restoring some to health from long and grievous sicknesses, and recovering others from the very gates of death. Whereby, in a short time, he gained great esteem with the barbarian kings, and was revered with almost divine honours. The Romans then were desirous of his presence with them; and the emperors, changing their former counsels, gave him leave to return; which he was very willing to do out of regard to his native country. He then • married a wife with a large fortune, and of an honourable descent, by whom he had four sons * still living. And may they long be so! He is also still living at my time of writing this. And ⚫ may he long continue so! He also had his estate restored to him out of the public treasury, the emperors revoking their former sentence against him as unjust.'

This, I think, is very honourable to the Christian emperors of that time. It hence appears that Oribasius reached to a good old age. If Eunapius wrote at about the year of Christ 400it was now more than forty years since Oribasius went with Julian into Gaul in the character of his physician. And Oribasius and his family lived very comfortably; if he met with some difficulties, as Eunapius intimates, they could not be of any long duration; and the rest of his life, in particular the latter part of it, was easy and prosperous.

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Oribasius, as Philostorgius says, attended Julian in his Persian expedition. And it has been observed by some that he was not able to cure the emperor. But that is no reflection. upon his skill, as Julian's wound was mortal. He likewise attended Chrysanthius in his last sickness without healing him; but neither is that any just reflection upon him, since Chrysanthius was then of a great age; and under his indispositions he was relieved and comforted by the mollifying medicines prescribed by Oribasius.

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There is still extant a letter of Julian to Oribasius, supposed to have been written in 358. Tillemont says it contains marks of their mutual confidence, and of their idolatrous sentiments. Eunapius gives no particular account of the works of Oribasius. But Suidas, who, as well as Philostorgius, says he was of Sardis, and calls him friend of Julian the apostate,' mentions these following: Concerning the doubts and difficulties of physicians, in four books: to Julian the emperor, a work in seventy-two books: An Epitome of them in nine books, to his son • Eustathius: Of Royalty, and of the passions or maladies.'

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Photius has four articles of the works of Oribasius. And in the introduction to his account of them he says: he had written four books, comprising the art of medicine, and seven others of a like sort.'

The first of the four was an abridgment of the works of Galen, in several books. The second contained the sentiments of other physicians, as well as Galen's, in seventy books, according to Photius, or seventy-two, as Suidas says. These two works were inscribed to Julian, and the prefaces or dedications are preserved in Photius. In the preface to the second, Oribasius reminds Julian that the former work had been composed at his command, when they were in Gaul, in the western part of the empire. And the style of it is very particular, addressing Julian as a deity. Julian therefore was now sole emperor, and he is expressly styled emperor in this second preface. The third work was an abridgment of the other two, and was inscribed by Oribasius to his son Eustathius, in nine books. The fourth was another compendious representation of the principles of medicine, in four books, inscribed to Eunapius, at whose desire also it was composed, whom he qualifies with the character of a man of great eloquence, proba bly meaning our Eunapius, writer of these lives of sophists, and among them the life of Oribasius himself.

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I add no more. If any are desirous of a farther account of the works of Oribasius, and the merit of them severally, and what parts of them are still extant, they may consult * others.

Some may be of opinion that this article is needless, and might have been omitted. Nevertheless, I think it to be of use for shewing the state of Gentilism under Christian emperors. Oribasius was at first designed to be put by me in another place in this volume. But now I have brought him in here, in the chapter of Eunapius, who was his great admirer, and by whom we are informed of some things concerning him, which cannot be met with elsewhere.

I make here no more extracts from this work of Eunapius. But he will be quoted again hereafter.

IV. We may now make some general observations upon these extracts.

1. We have seen many proofs of great zeal for Gentilism in divers persons.

2. Though the majority of the people of the Roman empire were now Christians, and the laws were favourable to them, and adverse to the Gentiles, yet these last enjoyed many privileges, and a great deal of liberty. We see many evidences of this. The writer of this work openly professeth great zeal for Gentilism, and expresseth himself with great freedom concerning things and persons. Here is mention made of divers men of distinction who were zealous Gentiles, and were in some of the highest offices of the empire. Anatolius, præfect of Illyricum; Justus, president of Asia; Hilarius, also governor of a province. Anatolius, and these other great men here mentioned, sacrificed and performed all the peculiar rites of Gentilism in the presence of many others. And the chairs of rhetoric and philosophy at Athens were filled chiefly with professors who were zealous for Gentilism.

3. Doubtless my readers have also observed the indignation with which Eunapius speaks of the monks and it is a just indignation: they were too numerous: they were in too much credit, and had too much influence, and heaped up riches beyond measure. Eunapius is likewise offended at the respect given to Christian martyrs; and we may well allow that it was excessive and unreasonable: and we may wish that the remonstrances made against it by learned Gentiles, and some learned and discerning Christians, had prevailed to check and control it. But popular things will have their course, as was observed by us long ago in the history of Gregory of Neocæsarea, called Thaumaturgus. We see proofs of it in every age.

CHAP. LIV.

CLAUDIUS CLAUDIANUS; OR CLAUDIAN.

I. His time and works. II. His testimony to Theodosius's victory over Arbogastes and Eugenius in the year 394.

I. CLAUDIAN has been already quoted as bearing witness to the wonderful deliverance of Marcus Antoninus and his army in in Germany. He is now to be quoted again upon another like occasion. And he may be quoted again hereafter.

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Accounts of him, and his works, may be seen in several authors. I refer particularly to * Tillemont, and our writers of Ancient Universal History.

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Says Suidas: Claudian of Alexandria, a late heroic poet: He flourished in the times of emperors Arcadius and Honorius.'

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