[Morning Star, (London,) January 17, 1863.]

THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION.

Deputation to the American Minister.

Yesterday afternoon a deputation from the executive committee of the Emancipation Society waited on his excellency the American minister, at the embassy in Portland-place, for the purpose of presenting him with a resolution, agreed upon at a special meeting of the committee, approving of President Lincoln's proclamation.

Among the gentlemen composing the deputation were the Hon and Rev. Baptist Noel, M. A ; P. A. Taylor, esq, M. P.; Mr. Benjamin Scott, F. R. S. A., chamberlain of London; Rev. Newman Hall, L L.D.; Rev. R. Everest; Rev. J. H. Rylance; Mr. William Evans, chairman of the Emancipation Society; Mr. Edmond Beales, barrister-at-law; Mr. William Shaen, M. A.; Messrs. W. Hargreaves. Jacob Bright, H. J. Slack, James Beal, J. Gorrie, Harry Taylor, Washington Wilks, F. W. Chesson, (hon. sec.,) A. H. Dymond, W. Farmer, R. Moore, &c., &c.

Mr. Evans appropriately introduced the deputation, after which Mr. Chesson read the resolution as follows:

"That this committee, constituted without respect to political party or social distinctions, for the development of British anti-slavery feeling, has learned with profound satisfaction the issue, on the 1st of January, of President Lincoln's proclamation, declaring the freedom of all persons held as slaves in the States or parts of States in rebellion against the United States government.

"That the President's injunction to the persons declared free to abstain from violence, except in self-defence, and to accept reasonable terms of hired service, with the offer of military employment under the United States government, is an effectual rebuke to the imputation that servile war was contemplated by the proclamation, or that the liberated negro would be left to starvation and to crime

That this committee recognizes in the limitation of that declaration of freedom to the districts so described no indifference on the part of the President and his cabinet to the injustice and evil of slavery in other districts of the Union, but an act of submission to the Constitution, and of faithful regard to their official oaths.

"That this committee also connects with this proclamation of freedom, under the authority of martial law, the offer of compensation to loyal slaveholders for the loss of their slaves, and that great scheme of emancipation submitted to Congress in the message of December 1, 1862, as an amendment to the Constitution.

"That these acts taken together, and with them other measures tending to the freedom and equality of the subject race, inspire this committee with hearty confidence in the autislavery purposes of the United States government.

"That this committee, therefore, offers to President Lincoln and his ministers, through their representative in this country, its warmest congratulations upon the auspicious aspect they have given to this new year; and joins with the President in invoking for these acts of freedom, justice, and mercy, the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.'"

Mr. Taylor, M. P., expressed the great pleasure he felt at the course the American government had lately taken in regard to slavery. That course would greatly enlighten the people of this country, many of whom had been misled as to the origin and results of the war. Slavery had been one of the causes which had sown dissension between the two Countries. He, therefore, believed that the proclamation would not only tend to the entire abolition of slavery and the continuance of the Union, but that it would greatly conduce to a lasting peace between England and America. (Hear.)

The Hon and Rev. Baptist Noel said he cordially approved of Mr. Lincoln's policy. He had observed Mr Lincoln's honest intention to maintain the Constitution on the one hand, and to do what the Constitution allowed on the other, for the liberation of the slave. The President had used the war power which had been put into his hands, and he (Mr. Noel) hoped that, under God's blessing, it might be the means of bringing the rebellion to a close. In abstaining from taking the same course in the border loyal States, he recognized the President's submission to the Constitution. But he (Mr. Noel) hoped and trusted the loyal States would accept the liberal offer which the government had made; and that, ere long, America would be free from the stain of slavery. (Applause)

The Rev. Newman Hall said the opinion of this country on the American struggle had been greatly misrepresented. The leading newspapers, which were supposed to represent public opinion, really did not represent the feelings of the masses. Many of the upper and middle classes had been misled on the question, but the working classes had not. No meetings had been called in support of slavery, while the meetings that had been held

against it had been of the most triumphant character. All the opposition that had been attempted had been an utter failure. He would just give one illustration of the inconsistency of those who misrepresented public opinion. In the Times of the day before there had been a leading article, in the first paragraph of which the President had been condemned, on the high ground of philanthropy, for not issuing the proclamation, while in the next paragraph he had been condemned for what he had done, on the ground that he had invaded the Constitution. Now, when one paragraph in a leading journal contradicted another he did not think there was much dauger that the great body of the people would fall into error on the question. (Hear.)

Mr. Jacob Bright said he concurred in what had already been said. In Lancashire, where they should find opposition to the continuance of the war, if they were to find it anywhere, the working classes were almost unanimously in favor of the north. He had seen the question tested in Rochdale and many other places, and in these places he had seen a strong, warm, and earnest feeling in favor of emancipation displayed. (Approbation.) His excellency Mr. Adams then replied in the following terins:

GENTLEMEN: I receive this expression of the sentiments of so respectable a body with great pleasure and great satisfaction. I need not say how encouraging such manifestations will be to those persons in my country represented by the President of the United States, who have been driven into the necessity of maintaining such a painful struggle as has been carried on by them in America, in devotion to great principles of public law and public order. I am very much encouraged by the circumstance that there is growing here, and in Europe generally, a better conception than has heretofore prevailed of the principles involved in the struggle. The election of Mr. Lincoln was a great declaration of the majority of the people of the United States in favor of the principle of human freedom. The signification of it was that the persons then elected to places of responsibility should be so far imbued with that principle as that, while they carried on the government in the spirit of freedom, they should at the same time avoid the necessity of a struggle of physical force. It was the conviction, on the part of the opponents of that policy, that the result would be as certain by that process, though perhaps much slower, that drove them into the desperate measure of stopping it at the threshold by violence. The consequence was that the gov ernment was attacked at its very foundations. The struggle to preserve it has been going on from that time to this. If, therefore, there has been what might otherwise be thought extraordinary haste and precipitate energy in any of the measures which have been taken by the government, it has not been owing so much to any will of their own, as to the fact that the violence of the resistance has caused the necessity for them. I think the idea which it is desirable to present distinctly is this: that the struggle has been one of selfdefence against the aggressive system that was threatening destruction to the whole edifice of government as it stood, for the reason that it was too favorable to freedom. And with regard to this proclamation, the desire on the part of the President of the United States has been, as I conscientiously believe, not to hasten the measure of emancipation any faster than popular sentiment in the slave States would demand, nor any faster than the emergency should dictate; or, in other words, simply so to act as to prevent those very convulsions which war is too apt to precipitate. Therefore, in all matters incidental to the maintenance of his policy, regard has been steadily had to the possible avoidance of those dangers of servile war which necessarily must have been foreseen by all thoughtful persons during the contest. Therefore, whilst always keeping in view the ultimate consequences of this most remarkable, and, I may say, unprecedented struggle, I trust that the great results which we all hope to arrive at will be eventually reached, not perhaps immediately, not perhaps to-day or to-morrow, or the next day, but ultimately, by a steady perseverance in one course, which may force the consent of all parties, aud yet avert the fearful consequences which we might naturally apprehend. I am extremely gratified in the assurances which have been given by several gentlemen with respect to the state of popular feeling in England on this subject. I have myself had occasion to notice the fact, that although some of the exponents of the public sentiment have appeared to be at times exceedingly harsh upon the United States, yet that when opportunity offered for an appeal to the people themselves, that the sentiment has uniformly responded to the policy which the United States government have enunciated. I am, therefore, encouraged to hope that the clouds which have heretofore gathered, and at times somewhat portentously, over the amicable relations of the two countries have now more and more the appearance of vanishing from the sky. I feel sanguine that the expression of sympathy from here, which I have been lately the medium of repeatedly communicating to my countrymen, will have the effect of clearing away many impressions that may have been received by reading the attacks of hostile journals, and taking them too much as the true expression of the sentiment of the people. I think, by understanding distinctly-which they will now have the opportunity of doing that the policy of Great Britain is not retrograde on the subject of slavery, wherever it may yet exist, and that it is true to the former pledges it so robly gave to the

world of its devotion to the principle of human freedom-the growing conviction of that fact will have the effect in America of restoring those amicable relations and reviving those warm sentiments which ought to be entertained between the two kindred people at all times. Gentlemen, I shall not longer detain you. I will just say that I shall have pleasure in communicating to my government a knowledge of the sentiments which have been expressed here by you to day.

The deputation then thanked his excellency for the courtesy with which he had received them, and withdrew.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.

No. 454]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, January 19, 1863.

SIR: I have before me your despatch of December 25, No. 281, together with the note written to you by Earl Russell on the 19th of November last, and also your despatch of January 1, No. 286, together with the reply which you made on the 30th of December last to the aforementioned note of Earl Russell. All these papers relate to the claim which you presented to her Majesty's government for redress for the depredations of the "290," or "Alabama," and for the adoption of measures to prevent the occurrence of similar violations of the maritime rights of this country in future.

You have properly replied to Earl Russell's note, and cleared up the argument of the case by a paper which seems to the President as convincing as it is calm and truthful.

Earl Russell's argument does not satisfy the President that redress ought not to be granted to our citizens for the depredations which have been committed by the "290." He trusts that your reply may yet induce a reconsideration of that subject. I therefore leave that branch of the case at rest until there shall have been an opportunity to hear further from you upon that subject.

It is not presumed that our anti-enlistment act is defective, or that Great Britain has ground to complain that it has not been effectually executed. Nevertheless, the proposition of her Majesty's government that the two governments shall confer together upon amendments to the corresponding acts in the two countries evinces a conciliatory, a liberal, and just spirit, if not a desire to prevent future causes of complaint. You are therefore authorized to confer with Earl Russell, and to transmit for the consideration of the President such amendments as Earl Russell may, in such a conference, suggest and you may think proper to be approved.

You will receive herewith a copy of some treasonable correspondence of the insurgents at Richmond with their agents abroad, which throws a flood of light upon the naval preparations they are making in Great Britain. You will use these papers in such a manner as shall be best calculated to induce the British government to enforce its existing laws, and, if possible, to amend them so as to prevent the execution of the unlawful designs which will thus be brought to their notice in a manner which will admit of no question in regard to the sufficiency of evidence.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

CORRESPONDENCE OF THE CONFEDERATE STATE DEPARTMENT.

Mr. Benjamin to Mr. Slidell.

[No. 6, duplicate.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Richmond, September 26, 1862.

SIR Since my No 5, of 19th July, I am without any communication from you, with the exception of your No. 2, of 26th February last, which was brought to the department on the 26th of this month by Mr. Chamberlyn, to whom you had intrusted it. This gentleman has thus consumed seven months in discharging the trust confided to him.

Your Nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, and 6 are still missing, and for the regularity of the archives of the department, I beg you to forward duplicates of them.

Events of startling importance have been crowded so rapidly into the short period which has elapsed since my last despatch that any attempt to give them in detail would swell this communication into a volume. I shall endeavor to send you herewith our files of newspapers, which will furnish details, and confine myself to a statement of the present condition of affairs.

On the 19th July the remnant of McClellan's defeated army was still encamped at Harrison's Landing, on James river, fortified in a very strong position and protected by a formidable fleet of gunboats. His defeat has been followed by an order of President Lincoln investing Major General Halleck with the command-in-chief of all the armies of the United States, headquarters at Washington. Major General Pope was assigned to the command of the army of the Potomac, which was composed of the shattered remnants of the armies of Frémont, Milroy, and Banks, after their rout by General Jackson in the battles of the valley, to which were added the several armies of McDowell, who occupied Fredericksburg; of Burnside, who was recalled from North Carolina; and of Hunter and Stevens, who were recalled from South Carolina. This army was also increased by troops withdrawn from Norfolk and Fortress Monroe, and replaced at those points by raw levies. This accumulated force amounted probably to about ninety thousand effective men, and the old cry of "on to Richmond" was renewed with the usual accompaniment of extravagant boasting by the northern journals.

General Lee first despatched General Jackson with a corps d'armée of about twenty-five thousand men to check Pope's advance, and having satisfied himself that a small force would be sufficient to watch McClellan, (whose army was demoralized and dispirited by the result of the battles of the Chickahominy, and was being fast worn down by sickness,) proceeded with the main body of the army as rapidly as possible to join General Jackson; but the movement was not accomplished as speedily as was desirable in consequence of our deficiency in means of transportation. General Lee had hoped with his united forces, which were nearly equal in number to Pope's, to crush the army of that general before McClellan could come to its relief if such a movement were attempted. The plan was on the eve of successful accomplishment when a sudden rain-storm so swelled the Rapid Ann river that it was necessary to wait some days before crossing it, and Pope, in the mean time, taking the alarm, retired rapidly behind the Rappahannock, thus bringing himself within supporting distance of McClellan, who had been ordered round to join him in accordance with the anticipations of General Lee. The combined forces of McClellan and Pope were, however, met by General Lee in a series of successful battles on the plains of Manassas on the 28th, 29th, and 30th August, and the total rout of the enemy was followed by the withdrawal of their entire forces into the fortifications around Washington; by the disgrace of Pope, who has been banished to an insignificant command in Minnesota; and by the appointment of McClellan to the command of the army collected "for the defence of Washington." General Lee, amusing the enemy by feigned demonstrations of attack on his lines at Arlington Heights, succeeded in withdrawing his entire army from their front and entered Maryland by the fords at Edwards's Ferry, in the neighborhood of Leesburg, without opposition, and established his headquarters at Frederick.

Again making deceptive demonstrations of an intention to march, at one time into Pennsylvania and at another time against Baltimore, General Lee disposed his army in such manner that by a rapid movement he enveloped the whole federal force of over eleven thousand men stationed at Harper's Ferry, and forced it into an unconditional surrender. The fruits of this movement were over eleven thousand prisoners, including more than four hundred officers, twelve thousand stands of arms, ninety pieces of artillery, and an enormous quantity of stores, principally munitions of war, together with two hundred wagons, &c. General McClellan, becoming aware too late of the danger, moved from Washington in great haste with a view to relieve the troops invested at Harper's Ferry, and on the day

before their surrender attacked with his whole force of eighty thousand men General D. H. Hill, who, with a rear guard of fifteen thousaud men, had been left to resist his advance, and who held his position with unconquerable firmness, but was finally compelled to give way for a short distance, under the stress of those overwhelming odds, until Generals Lee and Longstreet, arriving with re-enforcements, re-established his lines, and repulsed the enemy. The rapid arrival of re enforcements for General McClellan induced General Leg to withdraw his troops to Sharpsburg, for the purpose of effecting a junction with the corps of Generals Jackson and A P. Hill, who had not yet returned from the capture of Harper's Ferry. On Tuesday and Wednesday, the 16th and 17th instant, General McClellan, with bis entire army, amounting probably to one hundred and fifty thousand men, attacked General Lee with great fury, while the latter was still separated from the corps of Jackson and Hill, and had not more than forty thousand men to meet the assault Incredible as it may appear, our unconquerable soldiers met the shock with unyielding firmness, fought with desperation, although terribly outflanked on both wings, and, slowly retiring, maintained an unbroken front, until the arrival of Jackson at noon, followed by that of A. P. Hill at four p. m, enabled them to turn the tide, to drive back the advancing columns of the enemy, and to regain their first position, when the approach of night put an end to the most desperate conflict of the war, each party sleeping on its arms in the respective positions occupied by them when the battle began. General Lee prepared to renew the engagement next morning, but the enemy had disappeared from his front, and left him the master of the field.

After occupying the day in providing for his wounded and the burial of the dead, General Lee withdrew his army across the river to Shepherdstown for rest, and for the purpose of gathering a large number of stragglers yet on the road from Richmond; and no sooner was this fact known than General McClellan claimed a victory, and was tempted by the frantic exultation of the northern papers into what he called a pursuit of the flying foe. His temerity met with severe punishment. On the 21st instant a division of his army, in attempting to cross the river, was decoyed by a feigned retreat of Jackson until they were too far advanced for retreat, and were routed with appalling slaughter. The river was choked with their dead, who fell by thousands; and out of one regiment of about fifteen hundred men who attempted the passage, but about one hundred and fifty are believed to have escaped. General Lee, at the last accounts, was about to recross into Maryland at Williamsport, and has probably already established his headquarters at that point

General Loring, in Western Virginia, has just concluded a per ectly succes ful campaign, (with the aid of General Jenkins,) by which the enemy, after being beaten in a series of battles, with heavy loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, had reached in their flight the lower waters of the Kanawha, and the remnant of their forces is probably by this time on the other side of the Ohio river, thus leaving Western Virginia perfectly free from any other invading force than some small parties in the extreme northwest in the neighborhood of Wheeling.

Signal triumphs have illustrated our arms in the valley of the Mississippi. My last despatch announced that General Bragg had commenced a movement which was expected to liberate Tennessee from the presence of the invaders. After a long and laborious march of over 400 miles he crossed, uninterrupted by the enemy, from Tupelo, in Mississippi, to Chattanooga, in Tennessee. Cavalry expeditions, under the daring leadership of Colonel Morgan and General Forrest, were despatched into Kentucky and Tennessee, which attacked the enemy at their different encampments and depots of supplies. Their communications were intercepted, railroad bridges burned, tunnels destroyed, camps captured, and several thousand of their troops made prisoners. The enemy's army at Cumberland Gap, about 10,000 strong, was closely invested, its supplies cut off, and they were forced to abandon their position in the night, and are now fleeing through Kentucky, hotly pursued by our forces under General Carter Stevenson, who is capturing their straggling bands as fast as he can reach them. This army of the enemy may be considered as nearly annihilated. Major General Kirby Smith, in the mean time, advanced rapidly into Kentucky, reached Richmond, defeated and utterly routed an army of 10,000 men under General Nelson on the 30th August, (the very day of General Lee's grand victory at Manassas.) The enemy's army was absolutely destroyed, not more than two or three thousand fugitives escaping from the battle-field. The whole of the arms taken in this battle were used to arm the Kentuckiaus who are joining us in mass, and no doubt is entertained that that great State is at last permanently joined to our confederacy. General Bragg advanced into Kentucky by another line, and leaving Nashville and Bowling Green to his left arrived at Mumfordsville, where he forced a body of 5,000 men to a capitulation, thus providing arms for further re-enforcements of Kentuckians. These operations, by cutting off General Buell from his base, have forced that officer to evacuate Nashville, and thus not only is the whole State of Tennessee restored to our possession, with the exception of a small district around Memphis, but the seat of war has been removed from the line of the Memphis and Charles