commenced on the morning which followed the night of the conflict, some days before you presented your complaint, but the investigation could not be finished with the rapidity that the government of Chile desired, because the rules of procedure in criminal matters, which are established by our laws, are of slow application and it was not possible for the President of the Republic to modify or set them aside. This delay, which was inevitable, owing to the independence with which the judicial authorities must act, has compelled the government of the undersigned to delay, greatly to its regret, the settlement of the difficulties pending with your government, and a spontaneous offer of reparation for the injury done to the sailors of the Baltimore, that might be attributed to Chilean soldiers or sailors, or that might affect the responsibility of Chile. In view of your communication, and considering that up to date, it has been impossible for the trial initiated by the Judge of the Criminal Court of Valparaiso to be decided, the undersigned regards it as his duty to declare once more that the government of Chile laments the occurrence of October 16, and by way of showing the sincerity of his feelings and the confidence which he has in the justice of his course, he declares his willingness not to await the decision of the examining judge, and proposes to the United States government that the case be submitted to the consideration of the Supreme Court of justice at Washington, to the end that that high tribunal, with its learning and impartiality, may determine without appeal whether there is any ground for reparation and in what shape it should be made."

Previous to the receipt of this telegram, President Harrison had submitted a message to Congress, January 25, in which he says in effect: "I have as yet received no reply to our note of the 21st instant, but in my opinion I ought not to delay longer to bring these matters to the attention of Congress for such action as may be deemed appropriate. In submitting these papers to Congress for that grave and patriotic decision which the questions involved demand, I desire to say that I am of the opinion that the demands made of Chile by the government should be adhered to and enforced. If the dignity, as well as the prestige and influence of the United States are not to be wholly sacrificed, we must protect those who, in foreign ports, display the flag or wear the colors of this government, against insult, brutality, and death, inflicted in resentment of the acts of their government, and not for any fault of their own. It has been my desire in every way to cultivate friendly and intimate relations with all the governments of the hemisphere. We do not covet their territory: we desire their peace and prosperity; we look for no advantage in our relations with them except the increased exIt must, however, be changes of commerce upon a basis of mutual benefit. understood that this government, while exercising the utmost forbearance towards weaker powers, will extend its strong and adequate protection to its citizens, to its officers, and to its humblest sailor, when made victims of wantonness and cruelty in resentment, not of their personal misconduct, but of the official acts of their government."

This message from the President was looked upon by the American people as the precursor of a virtual declaration of war by Congress, and it looked as if little Chile was doomed. For months previous to the sending in of the message, the most active preparations had been carried on in the navy-yards, in the fitting out of the cruisers, and the air on all sides was filled with talks of war and in some instances disapprobation of such a great nation as the United States going to war with such a weak nation as Chile, and a sister Republic.

That there was no war, is explained by the following subsequent message sent to Congress by President Harrison:

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I transmit herewith additional correspondence between this government and the government of Chile, consisting of a note of Mr. Montt the Chilean minister at this capital, to Mr. Blaine, dated January 23, a reply of Mr. Blaine thereto of date January 27, and a dispatch of Mr. Egan, our minister at Santiago, transmitting the response of Mr. Pereira, the Chilean minister of foreign affairs, to the note of Mr. Blaine of January 21, which was received by me on the 26th instant. The note of Mr. Montt to Mr. Blaine, though dated January 23, was not delivered at the State Department until after 12 o'clock, meridian, of the 25th, and was not translated and its receipt notified to me until late in the afternoon of that day.

The response of Mr. Pereira to our note of the 21st withdraws, with acceptable expressions of regret, the offensive note of Mr. Matta of the 11th ultimo, and also the request for the recall of Mr. Egan. The treatment of the incident of the assault upon the sailors of the Baltimore is so conciliatory and friendly that I am of the opinion that there is a good prospect that the differences growing out of that serious affair can now be adjusted upon terms satisfactory to this government, by the usual methods and without special powers from Congress. This turn in the affair is very gratifying to me, as I am sure it will be to the Congress and to our people. The general support of the efforts of the Executive to enforce the just rights of the nation in this matter has given an instructive and useful illustration of the unity and patriotism of our people.

Should it be necessary, I will again communicate with Congress upon the subject. BENJ. HARRISON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 28, 1892.

The courts will determine in due course what amount of indemnification is to be allowed the families of the dead sailors and the others who were injured in the streets of Valparaiso.*

* For most recent action in this matter, up to the moment of going to press, see Addenda, preceding Index.

THE Behring Sea controversy, originating under President Cleveland's administration, with Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, Secretary of State, was resumed during the present administration, President Harrison, with Hon. James G. Blaine, Secretary of State. It can best be summarized in form as follows, the text being from official records:

LIST OF PAPERS.

From and to whom.

Date.

1888.

Subject.

Mr. Phelps to Mr. Bayard...... Sept. 12 Great Britain will not enter into any conven

Mr. White to Mr. Blaine.....

1889. Dec. 4

1891.

Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Blaine...... Jan. 24

tion for the protection of the seal fisheries without the concurrence of Canada, which can not be expected. Recommends that strong measures be taken to prevent the wholesale slaughter of seals. Letter of Sir George Baden-Powell to the London Times with regard to the Behring Sea question, and a letter of Mr. Flower, commenting thereon, in the same paper, transmitted.

Question in the House of Commons relating to the status of the Behring Sea fisheries question, and reply given by Sir J. Ferguson, transmitted.

Lord Salisbury to Sir J. Paunce- Feb. 21 Reply to Mr. Blaine's note of December 17. fote.

States that Great Britain took every step which it was in its power to take in order to make it clear to Russia that she did not accept claim to exclude her subjects for 100 miles distance from the coast which had been put forward in Ukase of 1821. Claims that words "Pacific Ocean," used in treaty of 1825 with Russia, did include Behring Sea. Proposes some changes to the questions to be submitted to arbitration.

Mr. Blaine to Sir J. Pauncefote Apr. 14 Gives six questions proposed for arbitration.

The United States claims the same right to power beyond 3 miles limit as Great Britain; cites act of Parliament of 1889 attempting to control body of water on coast of Scotland 2,700 square miles in extent. Map of that body inclosed.

Sir J. Pauncefote to Mr. Blaine Apr. 20 The stoppage of all sealing at sea and on

land seems to be acceptable to Lord Salisbury, who wishes to know whether it would be preferred that the proposal come from the British Government.

Mr. Blaine to Sir J. Pauncefote May 4 Reviews the negotiations for a modus vi

vendi pending the result of arbitration; concessions made by the President in consequence thereof; recital of the obligations imposed on the North American Co., in return for the sealing privilege, which make it necessary that they should be allowed to take a limited number of seals contrary to the claim of Great Britain that sealing should be absolutely prohibited on both sides; submits terms of agreement on that basis.