bishoprics and subdivided into 1400 benefices. The bishops' estates were said to be worth £600,000 a year; though, from being let on leases renewable on fines, the nominal incomes of the sees did not reach more than one-fifth or one-sixth of that sum. The income of the beneficed clergy also amounted to about £600,000 a year; while the cess, or rate, which could be still imposed for Church purposes in Ireland, yielded a further sum of £60,000 or £70,000.

The Bill which the Ministry proposed, and which Lord. Althorp introduced, imposed a tax of from five to fifteen per cent. on all ecclesiastical incomes exceeding £200 a year; and the proceeds of this tax were applied to the purposes to which the Church cess, which was abolished, had been devoted. Ten of the twenty-two bishoprics were extinguished; a further saving of £60,000 was thus effected; and the Legislature was empowered to deal with this sum as it thought proper. Even in 1832, however, three members of the Cabinet, Lord John, Lord Althorp, and Lord Durham, desired to go much further, and to apply some portion of the savings to the general purposes of education. How strongly Lord John felt on this subject, and how nearly the Grey Administration was broken up upon it, will be seen from the following correspondence :

MY DEAR LORD GREY,—Although I did not wish to enter my formal protest last night against the plan adopted by the Government, I yet saw very clearly the result to which I am forced to come.

I set out on the principle that a clergy ought to teach religion. It follows that when there neither are nor will be any, or more than an infinitely small fraction of, Protestants of the Established Church, it is not necessary or useful to have a clergyman of that Church.

This seems no very extravagant proposition, but I should be content not to insist upon it were it not that the disorders of Ireland, at the present moment, hinge upon this very question; and you have to govern by military law in order to maintain the reverse of my proposition, viz., that the incomes of the Church

should be devoted exclusively to the use of one-tenth of the population.

I might, it is true, suspend my opinion, as it were, and vote for the plan proposed with the intention of carrying it further at a future time. But the avowal of such an intention, which I should not be able to disguise, even if I wished it, would weaken your Government and make the Church very jealous of adopting it [i.e., the proposed plan].

I admit the difficulty of carrying a measure which should go to the cure of the disease. But I am not bound, on that account, to carry out a system which I think unjust, tending to an effusion of human blood, and the insecurity of life and property in Ireland.

Upon these grounds I feel myself compelled to say that I cannot anticipate that I shall be able to support the plan of the Cabinet in that full and entire manner in which it ought to be supported by a member of the Government. The time of my resignation must depend on your judgment and convenience. I feel too much impressed with your kindness to me on every occasion to act in any manner that may embarrass or annoy you.—I remain, my dear Lord Grey, ever yours faithfully,

MY DEAR LORD GREY,-On the morning after the Cabinet held at your house on Friday last, I wrote the accompanying letter marked No. 1. But, calling upon Althorp to show him the letter, he informed me, before he read it, of his opinions, which exactly coincided with mine. This made me pause, because, though my resignation might be of little importance, his would lead to a dissolution of the Government, which in the present state of our affairs, foreign and domestic, could not be otherwise than a great calamity. Yesterday evening I received a note from him saying, 'I will not say I am convinced, but upon the best consideration I could give to the subject I did not think I should be justified in breaking up the Government,' 1 and saying that 'for the same reason' he hoped I should follow his example.2 Undoubtedly I should not feel justified in break

1 Lord Althorp went on: 'So, as I found Lord Grey quite stout, I have given way.'

2 Lord Althorp concluded: 'For your resignation on such a point, or, indeed, on any other, will be fatal to us, perhaps not instantaneously, but in a very short time.'

ing up the Government. Such an event might probably lead to war in Europe, and certainly would deprive the country of the best hope of a peaceable reform of those institutions which require reform, and a steady maintenance of the principles of the constitution against further demands.

But I feel it due to you to put you in possession of the sentiments I entertained upon hearing the plan for a reform of the Church of Ireland, because, although I could bring myself to vote for that plan without admitting any amendment, yet such a vote would be notoriously against my opinion, and no little harm might accrue to your Government upon that account. I should not say, I need not say, that I looked to a further reform, but on the other hand I could not profess to have altered my opinion any further than this: that a more extensive measure would be impracticable.

Upon the whole, I leave the matter to your judgment to determine whether your Government, which I am most anxious to see continue, will be best supported by my remaining to vote for the plan with such feelings as I entertain, or by my retirement from the Administration. Let me only add that, whatever your decision may be, I shall be quite satisfied that you will not advise any course by which my personal character will be tarnished.— I remain, ever yours faithfully, J. RUSSELL.

Private]

DOWNING STREET: Oct. 25, 1832.

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,-I have just received your letter enclosing a copy of one which you had written and intended to send after the former discussion of the Irish question at East Sheen.

It is very painful to me to find that your objecti. ns to Stanley's plan still continue so strong. I cannot help considering it as containing a large and effective measure of Reform; quite as large as we could hope to carry, and likely to produce very beneficial effects if properly supported. The greatest danger to it would arise from a division amongst ourselves; and, if that division should lead to a breaking up of the Administration, I need not state to you the certain consequences, of which you seem to be sufficiently aware, of danger to the peace of Europe, great loss of character to ourselves, and the absolute extinction of all hope of a moderate and effectual reformation of those parts of the Church establishment which are most felt as real griev ances, or most exposed to invidious objections.

Without arguing on the soundness of your principle that the emoluments of the Church, being provided for religious instruction, should be proportioned to the situation and numbers of the population by whom that instruction is required, I can only repeat again, what I have so frequently stated in the course of these discussions, that I cannot entertain a moment's doubt that, if the Cabinet could be brought to your opinion, and should frame a measure on a broad and distinct avowal of that principle, their complete overthrow would be the almost instantaneous result. A dissolution of the Government, brought about in this manner, would be no less certainly productive of all the consequences which I have already stated, and which you admit, than if it were produced by a disagreement and division amongst ourselves.

With respect to the question which you put to me, what I have already said seems to furnish an answer. I certainly could not, even for the advantage of supporting the Government, on the existence of which at this moment so much depends, advise you to do anything which I thought would prove injurious to the high character which you possess in the country; and I think I may refer to the conduct of Althorp as affording the most satisfactory assurance on this head. But, though I can. have no doubt on it, I should much prefer your taking Holland's opinion-which will be dictated by equal feelings of personal affection and of regard for your public reputation-to your relying on mine.

I will only add that I anxiously hope that we may go on together, without a greater sacrifice of private opinion on either side than may be reconciled to feelings of honour and to a just sense of public duty, as I can scarcely contemplate an event which would be more painful to me than one which would have the effect of separating me from you, believing that whatever difference there may be between us is not a difference of principle, and arises only on a question as to what is most expedient and practicable under all the circumstances of the time.—Believe me ever, dear Lord John, yours most sincerely, GREY.

In accordance with Lord Grey's advice, Lord John referred the personal matter to Lord Holland, who replied as follows:Oct. 26, 1832.

DEAR JOHN,-To the question which you put to Lord Grey, and have agreed at his instance to refer to me, in the terms in

which it stands in your letter of yesterday, namely, 'to determine whether Grey's Government would be best supported by your remaining to vote for the plan of Church Reform with such feelings as you therein describe, or by your retirement from office,' the answer appears to me so plain and obvious, and indeed such a truism, that I can hardly with gravity deliver a judgment upon it, as carrying any authority from me. Your separation from your colleagues, if it were merely the result of health or any accident, unconnected with difference on political matters, would irresistibly and necessarily weaken any Ministry that had hitherto had the advantage of your assistance in its counsels, of your support in Parliament, and of the authority which your character, so justly high in the country, and of the popularity which your successful exertions, old and of later date, carry with them, to sustain it. But the terms and the occasion would make it yet more injurious, and in my conscience I believe fatal, to our Administration. The resignation of the mover of the Reform Bill just at the moment when the manner in which that great experiment would work was about to be tried, would appal and disappoint all the sincere friends of the measure, and quite dishearten those, no small portion, who relied on its wisdom and good consequences because proposed by you, and likely to be carried into effect under your auspices and superintendence; and, if anything could aggravate those evil consequences, it would be the knowledge that your separation arose in consequence of a difference on another great question of Reform affecting the Church. ...

I think, however, I perceive, though much to my surprise, that there is another doubt remaining on your mind, namely, whether, consistently with your principles and honour, you can remain in a Ministry who propose a measure, short of that to which your opinions and wishes would lead you, merely because it was impracticable. Now I need not tell you, my dear John, that, if your retaining office with your view of this question was in my mind inconsistent with your honour or injurious to your character, I should strenuously recommend your resignation. . . . The question you have to decide on conscience is not whether your plan or Stanley's is the right one, but whether Stanley's plan or your resignation, with its consequences, is preferable. By acquiescing and supporting Stanley's plan you neither surrender nor counteract the principle you lay down in No. I. You bring the Irish Church practically somewhat nearer, though still I