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This principle, which has long been fundamental to the commercial policy of the United States, furnishes a reply to the latter part of your letter, which, in the case of a non-compliance with proposals, as I have informed you, cannot be accepted, threatens reprisals upon the United States, by granting to their rival Powers advantages in commerce which, you allege, your Government is disposed to give to the United States, on condition of what you call 'indemnity for the past and security for the future.'

The Government of the United States knows that there is nothing, and has been nothing, in the relations between them and Portugal which, by the laws and usages of civilized nations, could justify reprisals of any kind by the latter against the United States. And, as I have assured you, that they desire no exclusive favours to the detriment of others, so they are fully persuaded that, upon further advisement, your Government will perceive that they cannot grant commercial favours to any other nation to the detriment of the United States without injuring their own subjects more than the people of this Union. Such, it is believed, would be the result of any experiment of reprisals by granting exclusive favours to one nation, with the view to damage another. The party granting exclusive favours is the party most severely punished.

Far more agreeable will it be to the Government of the United States to reciprocate, as heretofore, with that of Portugal, offices of kindness and good will, and to promote the friendly intercourse between the two nations by a multiplication of good offices, and of all the sources by which the interests of both may be advanced. Accept, &c.

The Chevalier J. Amado Grehon.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

(Translation.)

No. 29.-The Chevalier Amado Grehon to the Secretary of State.

you

Philadelphia, May 1, 1822.

Sir, I have the honour to inform you, that I have just received letter which your addressed to me on the 30th of last month. The explanation which you demand of me, and which I am to give you, according to what I meant by saying, 'the common enemies of their industry and of their independence,' and which appears to me to be clearly expressed, is this: all nations in general who act contrary to the two principles of our industry and of our independence. I have, &c. JOSEPH AMADO GREHON.

The Hon. J. Q. Adams.

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No. 30.-Mr. Adams to General Dearborn.

Department of State, Washington, June 25, 1822. Sir, The political and commercial relations between the United States and Portugal, have always been of an interesting character. By the revolution in the Government of that country recently consummated, and by the return of the King and part of his Court and family to Europe, they have been, and may be further, affected in a manner to require the agency of a person, not only generally conversant with the intercourse which has heretofore subsisted between the two countries, but, by long experience in the public affairs of this Union and a familiar acquaintance with its interests, qualified to represent them at a time and under circumstances in many respects. critical. Fully acquainted with your long and faithful services to this Union in some of its highest trusts, the President has been induced, by these considerations, to invite your co-operation again in the public service, and has learnt, with great satisfaction, your acceptance of the appointment of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Portugal.

Independently of the changes in the diplomatic relations of the two countries, which have resulted from the removal of the King from Rio de Janeiro to Lisbon, other accidental circumstances have occurred to cause some irregularity and disorder in them. In the spring of the year 1819, Mr. John Graham was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to the Court of Brazil, to succeed Mr. Thomas Sumpter, Jun., who had resided there in that capacity almost from the time of the transfer of the Portuguese Government thither; Mr. Graham, within little more than a year from the time of his departure on that mission from the United States, was compelled to return home, and barely lived to reach this country.

About the same time, the Chevalier Correa de Serra, who had for several years resided as the Minister Plenipotentiary of Portugal in this country, was recalled, and left the United States. A resolution of the Senate of the United States, in March, 1821, recommended to the President the appointment of a Minister to the Court of Brazil; but the return of the King of Portugal to Europe very shortly afterwards, rendered the compliance with this resolution unavailing.

The departure of that Prince from Rio Janeiro, had been preceded by various movements of a revolutionary character, as well there as in Portugal. He had, immediately before embarking, appointed as his Minister to the United States, the person who, since his arrival in Europe, has acted as his Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. And it appears that, since the revolution there, which has invested the Cortes with a principal portion of the Sovereign authority, the policy of main

taining Ministers of the Plenipotentiary rank from that country has been suspended. A Chargé d'Affaires has been appointed to repair to Washington, but has not yet arrived. In the meantime, that office has been discharged by the Chevalier Amado Grehon, who had been Secretary of Legation to Mr. Correa, and recently a Mr. Dacosta has been here, and announced himself as attached to the Legation, and to exercise the powers of Consul-General.

The usual diplomatic intercourse between the United States and Portugal has thus been for the last three years in a great measure suspended. Nor is it probable that the mission of the United States now instituted, will be of long duration. There are objects, political and commercial, which require its most serious attention, and which it is hoped may be adjusted satisfactorily to both countries by your intervention.

After the invasion, by the Brazilian Portuguese Government, of Monte Video, and the Eastern shore of the River La Plata, a revolutionary Government, under the name of the Oriental Republic of La Plata, and subject to the jurisdiction of a military chief, named Artigas, for several years maintained a defensive war, at once against them and against the rival revolutionary Republic, styled the United Provinces of La Plata. The latter, the seat of Government of which was at Buenos Ayres, never came to a state of declared war with Portugal, but the Republic of Artigas did, and that commander issued commissions for privateers and letters of marque against the Portuguese, under which the commerce of that nation was for three or four years much annoyed. Of the captures made by these privateers, several were brought into the ports of the United States, and frequent complaints were received from Mr. Correa, that some of the privateers were fitted out within the United States and partly manned by their citizens. To these complaints every attention, compatible with the rights of the citizens of the United States and with the laws of nations, was paid by this Government. The laws for securing the faithful performance of the duties of neutrality were revived and enforced; decrees of restitution were pronounced by the judicial tribunals in all cases of Portuguese captured vessels brought within the jurisdiction of the United States; and all the measures within the competency of the Executive were taken by that Department of the Government for repressing the fitting out of privateers from our ports and the enlisting of our citizens in them.

These measures, however, do not appear to have been altogether satisfactory to the Portuguese Government, doubtless, because they were not sufficiently understood by them. Shortly before the Chevalier Correa de Serra left the United, States he addressed to this Department several notes, copies of which, as

well as of two subsequent notes from Mr. Amado, are herewith inclosed, containing lists of Portuguese vessels captured by privateers alleged to have been fitted out in the United States, or partly officered and manned by citizens of this country. To these lists were added claims of indemnity to a large amount upon the United States for the value of these vessels and cargoes, and with them was connected a demand for the appointment of a joint Commission, to be appointed by the two Governments to determine and assess the amount of damages to be paid by the United States for these captures. As there was no precedent for the appointment of such a Commission under such circumstances, and as not a single case of capture had been alleged for which the United States were justly responsible, this proposal was of course denied; and nothing further was heard upon the subject, until the 1st April last, when a note was received from the present Chargé d'Affaires of Portugal, leading to a correspondence, copies of which are now furnished you.

Among the first and most important objects of your mission will be the charge of reviewing the whole course of this correspondence, from the time when the proposition for the appointment of Commissioners was made by the Chevalier Correa de Serra. The President wishes that this service should be performed in the most conciliatory manner, and with all possible regard to the feelings of the Portuguese Government.

It will, however, not be necessary that you should commence the correspondence with them. The menace of retaliation by commercial regulations favouring the trade of other nations, it can scarcely be supposed, was intended to be carried into effect; for it would not be less impolitic than unjust; and with the experience which they have of the pernicious consequences of granting favours to one nation to the detriment of others, it is incredible that, under a Government in which the public interest is felt through the medium of popular representation, resentments, in themselves so unfounded, should be indulged by measures so injudicious and self-annoying.

You will, nevertheless, attentively watch, and forthwith report, any measures which may be adopted, or even specifically contemplated, of that character; and you will observe the disposition and temper of understanding between the Portuguese Government, as now constituted, and those of the other Powers of Europe. It is believed that they have no Ministers at present residing in any part of Europe, nor Ministers from any European Government residing with them. Some of the Allies have not yet recognised their revolutionary movement, and all have manifested, in some form, their dissatisfaction with it. These prejudices, it is probable, will gradually subside, and the usual intercourse between them and the rest of Europe will be restored.

While its interruption continues, it is scarcely to be apprehended that they will adopt measures of rigour and injustice towards the nation which is the first to sympathise with them.

With regard to the proposal contained in the letter from Mr. Amado, of the 1st of April, of a Treaty of Commerce, in which special advantages shall be granted to the United States, even if it were offered by itself, and separately from the inadmissible condition connected with it, we should not consider it as desirable or compatible with the true policy of either nation. We have never sought exclusive advantages in our Treaties with any foreign nation. The policy of the United States, on the contrary, has invariably been, to form its commercial institutions and engagements on the broadest and most liberal principles of reciprocity. We are neither solicitous nor unwilling to treat with Portugal upon subjects of commerce; but if we do treat, it must be upon those principles and in conformity with them. The Convention of 3rd July, 1815, with Great Britain, so far as it goes, exhibits the system upon which we are desirous of settling our commercial arrangements with other nations, and the only one upon which we should be inclined to treat with Portugal.

We have seen in the public journals accounts purporting some dissatisfaction in the Island of Madeira, at the rates of duties levied in the United States upon its wines. They are, however, moderate when considered in reference to the comparative prices of the article; and still more so when compared with the duties levied upon the same article in Great Britain. There is indeed no other country, except Great Britain, which imports and consumes the wines of Madeira in quantities comparable to those taken by the United States.

The connection between the kingdom of Portugal and that of Brazil has already been greatly affected by revolutionary movements in both countries. It can scarcely fail, within no distant period, to be more so. It is not conceivable that Brazil should ever again be subject to the colonial state, nor is it likely long to submit to any direct control from a Government so distant from it. Information of the proceedings of the Cortes on this subject, especially so far as they may affect our commercial intercourse with Brazil, will be desirable, whenever and with as much accuracy as you can obtain it. I am, &c. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

General H. Dearborn.

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