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DEDICATION.

TO HIS GRACE

JOHN DUKE OF ARGYLL AND GREENWICH, &c.

My LORD, As this is the only method by which men of genius sentiments of honour and virtue, he thinks with ab. and leartog, though small perhaps my claim to horrence of all that is base and orifling; I may say, either, can how their esteem for persons of ex. while he is reading, he is exalted above himself. traordinary merit, in a superior manner to the rest You, my Lord, I say, have a just sense of the of mankind, I could never embrace a more fa benefits arising from works of geniui, and will vourable opportunity to express my veneration therefore pardon the zeal with which I express for your Grace, than before a tranNation of fo an- myself concerning them : and great is the blelling, cient and valuable an author as Hesiod. Your chat we want not persons who hare hearis equal high descent, and the glory of your illustrious an to their power to cherish them: and here I must cestors, are the weakest foundations of your praise; beg leave to pay a debt of gratitude to one, who, your own exalted worth attracts the admiration, I dare say, is as highly thought of by all lovers of and I may say the love of all vircuous and distin- polite learning as by myself, I mean the Earl of gushing Touls; and to that only I dedicate the Pembroke ; whose notes I have used in the words following work. The many circumstances which in which he gave them to me, and distinguished contribu'ed to the raising you to the dignities them by a particular mark from the rest. Much which you now enjoy, and which render you de- would I say in commendation of that great man; serving the greatelt favours a prince can bestow; but I am checked by the fear of offending that and, what is above all, which fix you ever dear in virtue which every one admires. The same reason the affection of your country, will be no fmall makes me dwell less on the praise of your Grace part of the English history, and thall make the than my heart inclines me to. Dame of Argyll sacred to every generation; nor The many obligations which I have received is it the least part of your character, that the na- from a lady, of whose virtues I can never say too tion entertains the highest opinion of your taste much, make it a duty in me to mention her in the iod judgment in the polite ares.

mult grateful manner; and particularly before 2 Yan, my Lord, know how the works of genius translation, to the perfecting which I 'may with lift up the head of a nation above her neighbours, propriety say the greatly conduced, by her kind and give it as much honour as success in arms; solicitations in my behalf, and her earnest recomamong these we must reckon our tranNations of mendation of me to several persons of distinction. the clasics; by which, when we have naturalized I believe your Grace will not charge me with all Greece and Rome, we shall be so much richer vanity, if I confess myself ambitious of being in than they were by so many original productions the leait degree of favour with so excellent a lady as se hall have of our own. By translations, as the Marchioness of Annandale. when performed by able hands, our countrym'n I mail conclude without troubling your Grace have it opportunity of discovering the beauties of with any more circumstances relating to myself, the ar cienis, without the trouble and expence of Sincerely wishing what I offer was more worthy karting their languages; which are of no other your patronage; and at the same time I beg it arrange to us than for the authors who have may be received as proceeding from a just sense of wri: ir them; among which he poets are in the y ur eminence in ail that is great and laudable. fi-tt rank of honour, whole verses are the delight I am, fui charncis through which che best precepts of

My Lord, morality are conveyed to the mind, they have ge with the mott profound respect, Deraih snmeshing in them so much above the

your Grace's common lepie of mankind; and that delivered

mott obedient, with such dignity of exuression, and in such har

and most bumble servant, mody si nu inhere, all which put together, conti

Tuomas CookeN Iute the divinum, that the reader is inspired with January 1728.

TWO DISCOURSES
ON THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HESIOD.

ON THE LIFE OF HESIOD.

in the following book. I have no doub. but Le

Clerc is right in the meaning of the word diny; buc Sect. I. Tbe Introduction.

at the same time I think his observation on it trif. The lives of few persons are confounded with fo ling; because, if his father was reduced to poverty, many uncertainties and fabulous relations as those

we are not to infer from theuce he was never of Heliod and Homer; for which reason, what rich, or, if he was always poor, that is no argumay poslibly be true, is sometimes as much disputed ment against his being of a good family; nor is as the romantic part of their stories. The first has the word divine in the least debased by being an been more fortunate than the ocher, in furnithing epithet to the swinelerd, but a proof of the digus, from his writings, with fonie circumstances of nity of that office in those times.

We are suphimself and family, as the condition of his father, ported in this reading by Tzetzes : and Valla and the place of his birth, and the extent of his travels; Frisius have took the word in the same fenfe, in and he has put it out of dispute, though he has their Latin translations of the Works and Day's. not fixed the period, that he was one of the earliest

--Frater ades (says Valla) generoso e sanguine writers of whom we have any account.

Perfe. 2. Of bis own and father's country, from bis writings And Frisius calls him Perse divine.

He tells us in the second book of his Works and Days, that his father was an inhabitant of Cuma,

4. A judgment of bis age and quality from fiction. in one of the Eolian ifles; from whence he re. The genealogy likewise which the author of moved to Ascra, a village in Bastia, at the foot the contention betwixt Homer and Heriod, gives of mount Helicon; which was doubtless the place us, very much countenance: this interpretation. of our poet's birth, though Suidas, Lilius Gyral. We are told in that work, that Linus was the fou dus, Fabricius, and others, fay he was of Cuma. of Apollo, and of Thoose the daughter of Neptune; Heliod himself seems, and not unde signediy, to King Pierus was the son of Linus, Oeagrus of Piehave prevented any mistake about his country; he rus and the nymph Methone, and Orpheus of Oe. telis ns positively, in the same book, he never was agrus and the Mule Calliope; Orpheus was the but once at sea, and that in a voyage from Aulis, father of Othrys, Othrys of Harmonides, and Hara sea post in Baotia, to the island Euhæa. This, morides of Philoterpue; from him fprung Euconnected with the former passage of his father phemus the father of Epiphrades, who b:goc Me. failing from Cuma to Bæstia, will leave us in no nalops the father of Dion; Hefiod and Feries were doubi concerning his country.

the tons of Dios by Pucamede che daughter of

Apollo; Perses was the father of Mæon, whose 3. Of bis quality, from bis writings. Janghter Crytheis bore Homer to che river Mcles. Of what quality his father was we are got very the brother of Heliod. I do not give this account

Homer is here made the great grandson of Perles certain ; that he was drove from Cuma to Alcra, hy misfortunes, we have the testimony of Heliod. with a view it should be much depended on; for Some teil us he fied to avoid paying a fine ; but it is plain from the poetical etymologies of the what reason they have to imagine that i know not, inferences may be made from it; firit, it is natural

nanes, it is a fetitious generation ; yee two uselal It is remarkable that our poet, in the first book of his Works and Days, calls his brother door zoves have forged such an honourable descent, unless it

to suppose the author of this genealogy would not We are told indeed that the namc of his father was Dios, of which we are not afrared from any of his was generally believed he was of a great faniily ; writings now extant; but if it was, I rather be

nor would he have placed him so long before Holieve, had he designed to call his brother of the mer, had it not been the prevailing opinion he was

firit. race of Dios, he would have used Adoroves or And you 905; he must therefore by 810x zárcs intend to call him of race divine. Le Clerc obferves, on this s. Of bis age, from Longomontanus, and the Arundelian

marble. paflage, that the old poets were always proud of the epithet divine; and brings an initance from Mr. Kennet quotes the Danish astronomer LonHomer, who tyled the swineherd of Ulysses so gomontanus, who undertook to settle the age of Fa the fame remark he says, he thinks Hesiod de Hefiod from some lines in his Works and Days ; bases the word in his application of it, having and he made it agree with the Arundelian marbie, fpoke of the necesitous circumstances of his father which makes him about thirty years before Homer

6. From Herodotus.

of the age of Homer or Heliod. The lonic poets, Herodotus zilures us that Hesiod, whom he Dr. Clarke obferves, bad one fixed rule of making places firft in his account, and Homer, lived four

the first syllable in xudos long : the Attic poets hundred years and no more before himself; this Sophocles, Euripides, and Ariftophanes, in innumost carry no small weight with it, when we con

merable places, he says, make it thort; the Doric fide is as delivered down to us by the oldest

poets do the same : all therefore that can be inGreek historian we have.

ferred from this is, that Homer always used it in

the lonic manner, and Hesiod often in the lonic, 7. From bis writings.

and often in the Doric. This argument of Dr. The pious exclamation againit the vices of his Clarke's, founded on a single quantity of a word, of times, in the beginning of the iran age, and is entirely deftrudive of Sir ilaac Newton's fyrthe manner in which the description of that age is

tem of chronology; who fixes the time of Troy wrote, nost of the verbs being in the future tense, being taken but thirty-four years before Hefiod give us room to imagine he lived when the world

fiourished. Troy, he says, was taken nine hunhad bue juft departed from their primitive virtue; fays, flourished eight hundred and sevenry. This

dred aud four years before Christ, and Heliod, he juft as the race of heroes was at an end, and men were funk into all that is base and wicked.

shows Sir Isaac Newton's opinion of the age of

Hefiod in regard to his vicinity to Homer : his 8. The episions of Julius Lipfius, and 'udolphus bringing the chronology of both fo low as he does, Neucorus confuted.

is to support his favourite scheme of reducing all

to scripcure chronology. Juitus Lipsiu«, in his notes to the first book of Velleius Paterculus, says, " there is more simpli.

10. A thousand years before Chrift. " city, and a greater air of antiquity in the works After all, it is universally agreed he was before,

of Hefiod than uf Homer," from which he would or at least cotemporary with Homer; but I think infer he is the vider writer : and Fabricius gives we have more reason to believe him the older ; us these words of Ludolphus Neocorus, who writ and Mr. Pope, after all the authorities he could a critical history of Homer : if a judgment of find in behalf of Homer, fixes his decision on the “ the two poets is to be made from their works, Arundelian marble. To enter into all the dire * Homer has the advantage in the greater sim. pures which have been on this head, would be end. #plicity and air of aniquity in his Ityle. Hefiod less and unnecessary; but we may venture to place " is more finished and elegant.” One of these is him a thousand years before Christ, wi:hout exo a Pagrad: ipliance of the random judgment which ceeding an huudred, perhaps, on either side. the critics acd commentators often pass on authors, and how little dependence is to be laid on some of

11. Some circumstances of bis life from bis writings. them. In fhort, they are both in an error ; for, Having thus far agreed to his parents, his counhad choy confered through how many hands che try, and the time in which he role, our nexe buliIliad and Ocylies have been since they came reis is to trace him in such of his actions as are from the first author, they would not have pre- discoverable; and here we have nothing certain tended to determine the queftion, who was tirit by but what occurs to us in his works. That he their kyle.

lended his own flocks on mount Helicon, and there

first received his notions of poetry, is very proba3. Dr. Clarke's and Sir Isaac Newton's opinions con

ble from the beginning of his Theogony ; but dered.

what be there says of the mufus appearing to him, Dr. Samuel Clarke (who was indeed a person and giving him a fceptre of laurel, 1 pass over as of rauch more extensive learning and nicir dir a poetical flight. It likewise appears, from the Cerprent than either Neocorus or Lipfius) has first book of his works and Days, chat his father kanced an argument for the antiquity of Homer left fome effes, when he died, on the division of oa a quantity of the word zados : in his note on which his brother Perses defrauded him, by brib. the 434 verfe of the 2d book of the Riad, he ob-ing the judges. He was so far from being pro. fertes, that Honier has used the word mados in the voked to any act of refeatmene by this injustice, Lad acd Odyssey above two hundred and leventy tha: he expreffcd a concern for those poor miltidcs, and has in every place made the firit fylla taken mortals, who placed their happiness in riches be long; whereas Heliod frequently makes ic long, only, even at the expence of their viriuc. He lets ad otten short : and Theocritas ules it both long us know, in the fonie poem, that he was not oniy and ibort in the fame verle; from which our above want, but capable of aflifting his brother in Icarred critic infers that Hefiod could not be co time of need; which he often did after the il! usage temporary with Homer (uolels, lays he, they spoke he had met with froni him. The lait puffare, re. different languages in different parts of the coun. lating to himself is his conquest in a poetical contry) bat much later; because he zakes it for grant- tention. Amphidamas, king of Eubra, had instied, that the liber:y of making the firtt fyllable of cuted funeral games in honour of his own memo*zies short was long atter Homer: who uses the ry which his sons afterwards saw performed : word above two huudred and seventy times, and Hifiod here was competitor for the prize in pocIkier has the first fyllable short. This is a curious piece of criticism, but productive of so cercanity * In tia chronclogy of ancient kingrloms amended,

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try, a tripod, which he won, and, as he tells us who barbarously murdered him with his compas himself, confecrated to the muses.

nion, whose name was Troilus, and throwed their

bodies into the sea. The body of Troilus was cast 12. From Plutareb, c.

on a rock, which retains the name of Troilus from Plutarch, in his Banquet of the Seven Wise Meny that accident. The body of Heliod was received makes Periander give an account of the poecical by a shoal of dolphins as soon as it was hurled incontention at Chalcis; in which Heliod and Ho to the water, and carried to the city Molicria, near mer are made antagonists; the first was conquer the promontory Rhion : near which place the Loor, who received a tripod for his victory, which he crians then held a folemn feaft, the same which is dedicated to the muses, with this inscription : at this time celebrated with so much pomp. When Ησιοδος Μεσαις Ελικώνισι τονδ' ανεβηκίν,

they saw a floating carcase, they ran with astonish. Υμνω νικησας εν χαλκιδι θειον Ομηρον. .

ment to the shore, and finding it to be the body of

Hefiod, newly flain, they resolved, as they thought This Hefiod vows to th' Heliconian nine, themselves obliged, to detect the murderers of a In Chalcis won from Homer the divine.

person they so niuch esteemed and honoured, This story, as related by Plutarch, was doubtless

When they had found out the wretches who com. occasioned by what Hesiod says of himself, in the mitted the murder, they plunged them alive into 1econd book of his Works and Days; which pal

the sea, and afterwards destroyed their houses. sage might possibly give birth to that famous trea

The remains of Hesiod were deposited in Nemea; tife, Aγων Ομηρε και Ησιοδε, mentioned in the fourth

and his tomb is unknown to most strangers; the tection of this discourse. Barnes, in his Prelo- reason of it being concealed, was because of the quium to the same treatise, quotes three verses advice of an oracle, to steal his remains from thence,

Orchomenians, who had a design, founded on the two from Eustathius, and the third added by Li. lius Gyraldus, in his life of our poet, which inform and to bury them in their own country. This acus, that Heliod and Homer sung in Delos to the

count of the oracle, here mentioned by Plutarch, honour of Apollo.

is related by Pausanias, in his Bæotics. He tells

us the Orchomenians were advised by the oracle Εν Δηλα τοτε πρωτον εγω και Ομηρος, αοιδοι, to bring the bones of Hefiod into their country, Μελπομεν, εν νεαροις υμνοις ραψαντες αοιδην,

as the only means to drive away a pestilence which Φοιβον Απόλλωνα χρυσαερον ον τίκι Αιτω. .

raged among them. They obeyed the oracle, Homer, and I, in Delos sung our lays,

found the bones, and brought them home. PauThere first we sung, and to Apollo's praise ;

fanias, say they, erected a tomb over him, with an New was the verse in which we then begun inscription to this purpose on it: In henour to the god, Latona's son.

Hesiod, thy birth is barren Ascra's boast, But there, together with the contention betwixt

Thy dead remains now grace the Minyan coast; these two great poets, are regarded as no other

Thy honours to meridian glory rise, than fables; and Barnes, who had certainly read

Grateful thy name to all the good and wise. as much on this head as any man, and who seenis, by some ex; reffions, willing to believe it if he

14. Monuments, &c. of him. could, is forced to decline the dispute, and leave it We have the knowledge of some few monu. in the same uncertainty in which he found it. The ments which were raised in honour to this greas story of the two poets meeting in Delos, is a mani. and ancient poee : Pautanias, in his Bæotics infest forgery; because, as I obferved before, Hefiod fornis us, that his countrymen the Bæotians erectpolitively says he never took any voyage but that ed to his memory an image with a harp in his to Chalcis; ar.d these verses make his meeting in hand : the fame author tells us, in another place, Delos, which is contrary to his own assertion, pre there was likewise a statue of Hefiod in the tem. cede his contention at Chalcis. Thus have I colple of Jupiter Olympicus. Fulvius Ursinus, and Jected, and compared together, all that is material Buffard, in his Antiquities, have exhibited a breast of his life; in the latter part of which, we are told, with a head, a trunk without a head, and a gem, he removed to Locris, a town near the faine dif- of him: and Urfinus says, there is a statue of him, tance from mount Parnassus, as Ascra from Heli of brass, in the public college of Conftantinople.

Lilius Gyraldus, and others, tell us he left a The only original monument of him besides, now fon, and a daughter; and that his fon was Serfi remaining, or at lealt known, is a marble busto in chorus the pret; but this wants better confirma- the Pernbsuke colledion at Wilton. " What Ful. tion than we have of it. It is agreed by all that vius Urfinus has publithed resembles that, but is he lived to a very advanced age.

only a ballo relievo. From the manner of the 13. His Death.

hcad being cracked off from the lower part, which

has fonie of the hair behind, it appears that both The story of his death, as told by Solon, in Plu- the parts are of the same work and date." tarch's Banquet of the Seven Wile Men, is very remarkable. The man, with whom Hefiod lived at

15. His cbaracter. Locris, ravithed a maid in the same house. He For his character we nced go no farther than fiod, though entirely ignorant of the fa&, was ma his Works and Days. With what a dutiful affecLicioudiy accused, as an accomplice, to her brothers, tion he speaks of his father, when he proposes him

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**

* a pattern to his brother. His behaviour, after the first ten verses with which it now begins. The the unjust treatment from Perses and the judges, only dispute about this piece has been concerning proves him both a philosopher and a good man. the title, and the division into books Some make His moral precepts, in the first book, seem to be it two poems; the first they call Egyás, works, as much the dictates of his heart as the fruits of and the second Huspar, days; others call the first Eis genias; there we behold a man of the chaftest EyqxHyspæi, works and days, and the second manters, and the best disposition.

Iluspai only, which part consists of but fixty-four He was undoubtedly a great lover of retirement lines : where I mention the number of verses in and contemplation, and seems to have had no am. this discourse, I speak of them as they stand in the bition bar that of acting well. I shall conclude original. We find, in some editions, the division my character of him with that part of it which beginning at the end of the moral and religious Paterculas so juftly thought his due : “ perele- precepts; but Grævius denies such distinctions begaotis ingenii, et molislimâ dulcedini carminum ing in any of the old manuscripts. Whether these memorabilis; otii quietisque cupidiflimus :” of a divisions were in the first copies fignifies little ; truly elegant genius, and memorable for his most for as we find them in several late editions, they eafy sweetness of verse ; most fond of leisure and are very natural, and contribute fomething to the quietude.

ease of the reader, without the least detriment to

the original text. I am ready to imagine we liave ON THE WRITINGS OF HESIOD. not this work delivered down to us fo perfect as

it came from the hands of the poet, which I Mall Se&. 1. Tbe Introduction.

endeavour to show in the next feaion. This poem, Or all the authors who have given any account

as Plutarch in his Sympofiacs assures us, was sung

to the harp. of the writings of our poet, I find none so perfect as the learned Fabricius, in his Bibliotheca Græca.

4. The Thesgony, and Works and Days, the only unHe there seems to have left unread no work that might in the least contribute to the completing

doubted poems of Hefood row extant, his deligo : him I shall follow in the succeeding The Theogony, and Works and Days, are the discourse, so far as relates to the titles of the only undoubted pieces of our poet now extant; poems, and the authorities for them.

the erwis Hgardess, the shield of Hercules, is al

ways printed with these two, but has not one cou2. The Tbeogeny.

vincing argument in its favour by which we may I fall begin with the Theogony, or Generation positively declare it a genuine work of Heliod. of the Gods, which Fabricius puts out of dispute we have great reason to believe those two poenis to be of Hesiod : nor is it doubted, says he, that only were remaining in the reign of Augustus. Pythagoras took it for his, who feigacd he law

Manilius, who was an author of the Augustan age, the soul of our poet in hell chained to a brazen

in the second book of his Aftronomy, takes notice, piilar; a punishment infli&ed upon him for the

in his commendation of our poet and his writings, Eories which he invented of the gods. This doubt

of no other than the Theogony, and Works and less is the poem that gave Herodotus occafion to Days. The verses of Manilius are these : say that Hefiod, with Homer, was the Grft who

Hesiodus memorat divos, div'umque parentes, introdoced a theogony among the Grecians; the

Et chaos enixum terras, orbemque sub illo Erf who gave names to the gods, ascribed to hem

Infantem, * primum, titubantia sidera, corpus, buoours and arts, giving particular descriptions of

Titanasque fenes, Jovis et cunabula magni, their persons. The first hundred and fifteen linos

Et sub fratre viri nomen, sine fratre parentis, of this poem have been disputed; but I am in.

Atque iterum patrio nascentem corpore Bacchum, dised to believe them genuine; because Pausanias takes rotice of the scepire of laurel, which the

Omniaque inimenso volitantia numina mundo : pret says, in those verscs, was a present to him

* Dr Bentley, whose Manilius was published ten from the muses; and Ovid, in the beginning of

gears after the firpt edition of this discourse, gives prikis Art of Love, alludes to that passage of the

mos titubantia fidera partus : the old copies, be says, mules appearing to him; and Hefiod himself, in

bave p.imos, and partus is supplied by bis owa judga the second book of his works and Days, has an adufion to these verses.

ment: but primos partus for titubantia fidcra is not

content with the genealovy of these natural bodies in tbe 3. The Works and Days,

'I beorony of Hefiod : an exaci genealogical table te wbib

I bave given at the end of my notes to ibut poem. I muff, The Works and Days is the first poem of its with great deference to the superior knorvledge of that kird, if we may rely on the testimony of Pliny: learned critic, prefer tbe common reading :'rimam cor* being very uncertain, say. Fabricius, whether

pus: Dr. bentley s cbief objection to tbis reading is the poems attributed to Orpheus were older than founded on making primum to be underflood firit ir puint Held; among which the critics and commenta of time; therefore, Jays be quomodo vero fucra prituns mention one of the same title with this of our inum eran: corpus, cum ante iile exciterint chaos, Joct. Pausanias, in his Beotiis, tells us he saw a terræ, orbis ? Very true ; bw. primum mift be taken Eupy of this wrote in places of lead, but without as a huge ufid it in my explanation of its

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