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Where he feems to deny not only centaurs, but alfo all manner of monfters. Yet Empedocles held that there were fuch creatures as centaurs; and Claudius Cæfar likewife, witnefs Pliny, who writes, "Hippocentaurum in Theffaliâ natum eodem die interiiffe; et nos principatu ejus allatum illi ex Ægypto in melle vidimus." A Hippocentaur was born in Theffalia, and died the fame day: and I myself faw it, when by his command it was brought to him in honey out of Egypt. Voluterranus fays, that he had seen a half dog: and others other monsters, of which Lycofthenes has made a collection in his book de Prodig. & Oftent. Sometimes women have brought forth frogs, ferpents, ftones, and the like, that had been generated in their womb. Such productions are indeed preternatural, and the effects of disease; but not therefore to be deemed impoffible, or reckoned among the number of things that cannot be. Whether the forming faculty fubmits and gives way to the mother's imagination, is not our bufinefs in this place to inquire, no more than it is to decide this question: whether from the execrable and unnatural copulation of a man with a brute beaft, an animal of a mixed and dubious nature may not be generated. Herodotus writes, that in his days a certain woman used publicly to couple with a goat: And Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 3. witneffes, that Alcippe brought forth an elephant: and that another, in the beginning of the Marsian war, was delivered of a ferpent. And the fame author in the place abovecited, mentions feveral

other monftrous births.

Ver. 935. The Schoolmen call centaurs, and the like imaginary creatures, entia rationis; but they are rather entia imaginationis: fantastic creatures, that have no exiftence but in the imagination.

Ver. 946. Scyllas.] There were two of this name; one the daughter of Nifus, the other of Glaucus, fays Faber, and Creech after him, but they feem to be both mistaken, for fhe was daughter of Phorcus, with whom Glaucus was in love. The Scylla of Nifus is said to have been changed into the monster of that name, whom we have defcribed, book. i. ver. 740. and book iv. ver. 733But Ovid Metam. lib. 8. ver. 148. fays the was changed into a bird.

At aura cadentem

Suftinuiffe levis, ne tangeret æquora,
vifa eft:
Pluma fuit: plumis in avem mutata vocatur
Ciris, et à tonfo eft hoc nomen adepta capillo.
Milton in the second book of Paradife Loft, de-
fcribing Sin, whom he makes the porterefs of
hell-gate, had certainly an eye on this fabulous
monster his words are these :

She feem'd a woman to the waist, and fair,
But ended foul in many a fcaly fold,
Voluminous and vaft; a ferpent arm'd
With mortal fting: about her middle round
A cry of hell-hounds never ceafing bark'd
With wide Cerberian mouths full loud, and rung
A hideous peal: yet, when they lift, would creep
If ought difturbed their noife, into her womb,

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And kennel there; yet there fill bark'd, and howl'd,

Within unseen: Far lefs abhorr'd than her,
Vex'd Scylla, bathing in the fea, that parts
Calabria from: the hoarfe Trinacrian fhore, &c.

Ver. 955. In like manner the poet, book iv. ver. 646 fpeaking of the plant which he there calls veratrum, and which our tranflator there calls hemlock, as he does here the plant which his author calls cicuta,

Thus hemlock-juice prevails,

And kills a man, but fattens goats and quails.
See the note on that paffage.

Ver. 958. Chimeras.] This ignivomous monster, that had the head of a lion, the breaft of a goat, and the tail of a ferpent, the poet himself fufficiently explains: and no doubt he took the defcription from Homer,

Πρόσθε λεὼν, καὶ ὄπισθε δράκων.

See more in the note on ver. 660. book ii. To which I here add, that Bellerophontus, the fon of Glaucus, king of Epire, is therefore faid to have killed this monfter, riding on the fea-horfe Pegafus, whom Neptune had lent him, because he ren

dered habitable a mountain of the fame name in

Lycia; whofe top, which was wont to throw out flames, was full of lions, the foot of it ftored with ferpents, and the fide of it proper for the pastarage of goats. Crefias in Pliny fays, that the fire of that mountain kindles with water, and is extinguished with earth, or with hay.

Ver. 968. Lucretius, book i. v. 239. has taught, why Nature could not at the beginning create men of so vast a fize,

That while they wade through feas, and swelling tides,

Th' afpiring waves fhould hardly touch their fides:

Why not fo ftrong, that they with eale might tear The hardest rocks, and throw them through the air?

But becaufe things on certain feeds depend
For their beginning, &c.

Ver. 979. Here the poet defcribes at large the state of man, in the beginning of the world, their manners and way of life: And first in twenty-three verfes he teaches, that the first men were stronger in body than men now are, by reafon of the innate hardness they had inherited and contracted from their ftubborn mother the earth: whence they were lefs fubject to difeafes, and much longer lived; but no man tilled the ground, for all appeafed their hunger with acorns, wildings, and other fruits like thofe. Next he tells us in four verses, that the fprings and rivets invited them by their murmurs to come and quench their thirst: Then in eleven verses, that they had no clothes, nor houses, but that fhrubs, and woods, and caves fheltered them from forms and cold: And in ten verfes, that they had no laws, no focieties; but lived by fpoil and rapine: making ufe of the women in

common, whom they either forced to fubmit to their defires by ftrength and violence, or gained their confent by flattery and prefents, fuch as acorns, pears, and apples.

Lucretius does no where fay, that the firfl men owed their origin to ftones; and our tranflator feems rather to allude to the fabulous reparation of mankind after the deluge, from the ftones, which, by command of Themis, Deucalion and Pyrrha threw behind them: Of which Ovid, Metam. lib. i. ver. 435.

Inde genus durum fumus, experienfque laborum, Et documenta damus, quâ fimus origine nati.

Ver. 991. This paffage of our author, Ovid feems to imitate in his defcription of the Golden Age:

Ipfa quoque immunis, raftroque intacta, nec ullis
Saucia vomeribus, per fe dabat omnia tellus :
Contentique cibis, nullo cogente creatis,
Arbuteos fœtus, montanaque fraga legebant
Cornaque, & in duris hærentia mora rubetis:
Et quæ deciderant patulâ Jovis arbore glandes.
The teeming carth, yet guiltless of the plough,
And unprovok'd did fruitful ftores allow :
Content with food, which Nature freely bred,
On wildings, and on ftrawberries they fed;
Cornels and bramble-berries gave the reft;
And falling acorns furish'd out a feast.

Dryden.

Ver. 995. Macrobius, lib. vi. Sat. cap. 1. obferves, that Virgil has imitated this paffage of Lucretius, when defcribing his happy countryman, he fays,

Quos rami fru&us, quos ipfa volentia rura
Spoate tulere fuâ, carpfit.-

Georg. ii. ver. 500. He feeds on fruits, which, of their own accord, The willing ground, and laden trees afford.

Dryden. Ver. 997. For the chief food of the firft men was acorns : Whence Virgil, Georg. i. ver.

147.

Prima Ceres ferro mortales vertere terram Inftituit: cum jam glandes atque arbuta facræ Deficerent filvæ, & victum Dodona negaret. Where, though the poet says, that the woods failed them, and no longer afforded them acorns, yet it is more probable, that they contemned the ufe of acorns, when they had difcovered the art of fowing corns Thus Juvenal, speaking in the perfon of the old Marfians and others, Sat. xiv. ver. 180.

Panem quæramus aratro, Qui fatis eft menfis; laudant hoc numina ruris, Quorum ope et auxilio, gratæ poft munus arifte Contingunt homines veteris faftidia quercûs.

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Arbutum is the fruit of the tree called arbutus, the arbute-tree, a plant frequent enough in Italy; it has the leaves like those of a bay-tree, but grow. ing very thin, and bears a fruit as big as a middling plum, red like a cherry, or rather straw. berry, because of its roughness, Pliny, lib. xv. cap. 24. calls the fruit of this tree," Poma inhonora," apples of no value and indeed though they have a certain fweetness, they are four with al, and unpleasant to the taste, as well as hurtful to the head and ftomach. The ancients delighted much in the fhade of this tree.. Horat. "Nunc viridi membra fub arbuto ftratus." Pliny calls the fruit of this tree "unedines, becaufe, fays he, we cannot eat above one of them, by reafon of their afperity and fournefs. But he is mistaken in making the unedo and the arbutum to be one and the fame thing: The first of them is the fruit of the epimelis, which fome interpret to be a fort of medlar-tree. But the arbutum of the Latins, and which the Greeks call Memacylon, is the fruit of the tree, which the Latins know by the name of Arbutus, and the Greeks by that of comarus. Thus Galen, lib. ii. Aliment. plainly di ftinguishes between the unedo and the arbutuni, afcribing the first to the epimelis, the later to the comarus, or arbutus. Thus Dalecampus in lib. prim. Plin. argues that author of error.

Ver. 1008. Oldhanı,

Hard by, a fream did with such softness creep,
As 't were by its own murmurs hush'd afleep.
And the author of Hudibras,

Clofe by a foftly murm'ring ftream,
Where lovers us'd to loll and dream.

Ver. 1009. The nymphs were fabled to dwell in caves and dens. Of them fee book iv. v. 589.

Ver. 1014. Lucret.

-Neque uti

Pellibus, & corpus fpoliis veftire ferarum:

For, as the poet, will teach by and by, the fr coverings men wore, were the fkins of wild beafts they killed in hunting.

Ver. 1026. This obfervation is the tranflator's, not his author's, who, I believe, would fcarce have faid fo. The prefents Lucretius mentions, were of the greateft value in those days: there fore the price was not lefs than now.

Ver. 1027. Thefe robuft unpolifhed mortals fpent all their time in hunting wild beasts, whom they pursued with ftones, clubs, and fuch like weapons: And when they were either weary of killing them, or that night came on, they rolled themselves up in leaves and grafs, and slept contented, and with a quiet mind; for they did not dread, what the Stoics foolishly believed of them, when night had involved the world in fhade, that night and day would never return, because they had obferved that viciffitude from the first beginning of day and night: This is contained in fifteen verfes. In the thirty-one verfes following, the poet goes on: But, fays he, this life of theirs was vixed

with fome inquietudes: the wild beafts furprised, them, when they were fleeping; and then a fudden death was their portion, or a tedious and painful life, by means of their festering wounds; for they knew not yet the healing virtue of fimples: Famine killed many, and more the venomous herbs they ignorantly fed on. But that none may think, that all mankind was, by fo many ills and mifchiefs as befel them, involved in one common ruin, and totally deftroyed; let it be confidered, that the wild beasts devoured them only one by one, and that few died by poifonous herbs, or for want of food, in comparifon of the many thoufands that fall in a day in our armies: Befides, what numbers are now fwallowed up in the fea; how many die by poifon, how many by intempe. rance and luxury?

Ver. 1036. Manilius is of another opinion, lib. i. ver. 66. where, fpeaking of the first inventors of arts, he says:

Nam rudis ente illos, nullo difcrimine vita
In fpeciem converfa operum ratione carebat,
Et ftupefacta novo pendebat lumine mundi:
Tum velut amiffis mærens, tum læta renatis
Sideribus, variofque dies, incertaque noctis
Tempora, nec fimiles umbras jam fole regreffo,
Jam propiore, fuis poterat difcernere caufis.
Before that time life was an artless state,
Of reafon void, and thoughtless in debate:
Nature lay hid in deepest night below;
None knew her wonders, and none car'd to know:
Upward men look'd, they faw the circling light,
Picas'd with the fires, and wonder'd at the fight:
The fun, when night came on, withdrawn they
griev'd,

As dead; and joy'd next morn when he reviv'd:
But why the nights grew long or short; the day
Is chang'd, and the fhades vary with the ray,
Shorter at his approach, and longer grown
At his remove, the caufes were unknown.

Creech.

And with Manilius agrees Statius, Thebaid iv.
where, fpeaking of the primitive Arcadians, he
fays:

Hi lucis ftupuiffe vices, noctifque feruntur
Nubila, & occiduum longè Titana' fecuti
Defperâffe diem.

And Dracontius in Hexaemër.

Nec lucem remeare putat terrena propago;
Aft ubi purpureum furgentem ex æquore cernunt
Luciferum, vibrare jubar, flammasque ciere,
Et reducem fuper aftra diem de fole rubentem;
Mox revocata fovent hefterna in gaudia mentes,
Temporis & requiem nofcentes luce diurna
Carperunt fperare diem, ridere tenebras.

And the learned Selden, de Diis Syris, Syntagm.
2. confirms their opinions, and believes the ori-
ginal of the feftivals, which the ancients inflitut-
ed in honour of Adonis, to have sprung from no
other ground. His words are thefe: "Non
aliud cogitarunt; qui primum has nanias inftitu-

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Viva videns vivo fepeliri vifcera busto:
ginus blames an expreffion like this, in Georgias
Upon which Faber obferves, that Dionyfius Lon-
Leontinus, who calls vulturs, the living fepulchres
of men, γύπες ἔμψυχοι τάφοι However, he ex-
fure of Longinus: For, fays he, Georgias was a
cufes Lucretius, though he condemns not the cen❤
rhetorician, in whofe art fuch defcriptions ought
never to find place, though in poetry they have
much of the fublime.

Ver. 156. This verfe is the tranflator's, not the poet's.

Ver. 1057. Lucret.

Expertes opis, ignaros, quid vulnera vellent.

i. e. They knew not yet the art of medicine, and were ignorant of the remedies, requifite to heal their wounds.

Ver. 1059. This and the following verfe run thus in the original.

Donicùm eos vitâ privârunt vermina fæva.

Feftus fays, that "vermina" fignifies the wring. ing of the guts, when we feel a pain, as if worms were gnawing them: The Greeks call it repos But perhaps" vermina" may here fignify very ling and corrupting wounds; if fo, our tranflater worms, that might be engendered in their rankis fo far in the right; but how well their making a paffage for the foul to fly away, agrees with the doctrine of Epicurus, the reader need not be informed.

Ver. 1061. They had yet no wars; but wer wholly ignorant of the cruel arts of deftroying on another: And as Ovid fays, Metam. i. ver. 97. Nondum præcipites cingebant oppida foffe ; Non tuba directi, non æris cornua flexi, Non galeæ, non enfis, erant: fine militis ufu Mollia fecuræ peragebant otia gentes.

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No walls were yet, nor fence, nor moat, nor

mound;

Nor drum was heard, nor trumpet's angry found : Nor fwords were forg'd: But, void of care and crime,

The foft creation slept away their time.

Ver. 1063. Thus too Ovid, Metam. i. ver. 94
Nondum cæfa fuis, peregrinum ut viferet orb em'
Montibus, in liquidas pinus defcenderat undas:
Nullaque mortales, prater fua littora nôrant,

The mountain trees in diftant profpect please,
Ere yet the pine defcended to the feas;
Ere fails were fpread new oceans to explore,
And happy mortals, ur concern'd for more,
Confin'd their wilhes to their native fhore.

And Manilius, lib. i. ver. 76. Immotufque novos pontus fubduxerat orbes : Nec vitam pelago, nec ventis credere vota Audebant, fed quifque fatis fe noffe putabat.

None refign'd

Their lives to feas, or wishes to the wind; Confin'd their fearch; they knew themfelves alone,

And thought that only worthy to be known.

Ver. 1068. For, as Seneca in Medea fays,

Audax nimium qui freta primus
Rate tam fragili perfida rupit ;
Terrafque fuas poft terga videre,
Animam levibus credidit auftris, &c.

Which the tragedian took from Horace, Od. i. 3.

Illi robur et æs triplex

Circa pectus erat, qui fragilem truci
Commifit pelago rátem

Primus; nec timuit præcipitem Africum, &c.

Thus rendered by Dryden,

Sure he who firft the paffage try'd,
In harden'd oak his heart did hide,
And ribs of iron arm'd his fide:
Or his at least, in hollow wood,
Who tempted firft the briny flood:
Nor fear'd the winds contending roar,
Nor billows beating on the fhore;
Nor Hyades, portending rain,
Nor all the tyrants of the main ;
What form of death could him affright,
Who, unconcern'd, with ftedfaft fight,
Could view the furges, mountain fleep,
And monfters, rolling in the deep?
Could through the ranks of ruin go,
With ftorms above, and rocks below?
In vain did Nature's wife command
Divide the waters from the land,
If daring fhips, and men profane
Invade th' inviolable main;
Th' eternal fences overleap,
And pafs at will the boundlefs deep.
No toil, no hardthips can reftrain
Ambitious man, inur'd to pain;
The more confin'd, the more he tries,
And at forbidden quarry flies.

Ver. 1069." Penuria cibi :" want of food. The next verfe is a thought of our tranflator's, not of his author's.

Ver. 1073. We have hitherto feen only men, who were wild and favage, who wandered in the woods, and lived by fpoil and rapine: but others now enter upon the ftage, who are mild, gentle, and ftudions of civil life. For by this time, fays the poet, in ver. 20. that temperature and calmnefs of the air which reigned when the world was in its infancy, remained no longer; but fonietime's piercing cold, and fometimes fcorching heat, together with ftorms and tempefts, perfecuted mankind. Thofe hardships and inconveniencies weakened them by degrees, and forced them to the

contrivance of building themselves huts and houfes, to shelter their bodies from the inclemen cies of the feafons. They dwelt in thefe new abodes, one man confined to one woman, and were bleffed with a numerous offspring, whofe infant fmiling innocence foftened the rigid fournels of their parent's temper, and changed their innate fullen roughness into calmness and affability. Af ter this, having found out the use of fire, they became fo tender, that, unable to endure any longer their primitive nakednefs, they made themfelves clothes of the fkins of beafts; and grew fo civilized in time, that they entered into friendfhips and focieties, infomuch that they who were defirous to be fafe themselves, found it their best way to abftain from doing injuries to others. Thus concord preferved mankind.

Ver. 1074. Diodorus Siculus, lib. i. fays, that the poets feigned Hercules to be clothed with the fkins of beafts, and that he is painted too in that garb, to put pofterity in mind of this ancient way of drefs of our first fathers.

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the contrary.

Ver. 1083. They who endeavour to disgrace religion, ufually reprefent it as a trick of state, and as a politic invention to keep the credulous in awe, which, however abfurd and frivolous, yet is a strong argument against the Atheist, who cannot declare his opinions, unlefs he be a rebel, and a disturber of the commonwealth. The cake of God, and his Cæfar are the fame, and m front can be offered to one but it reflects t both; and that the Epicurean principles are per nicious to focieties, is evident from the account they give of the rife of them. First, then, wt muft imagine men fpringing out of the earth, as from the teeth of Cadmus his dragon (“fra tres fungorum, et tuberum," as Bias called the Athenians, who counted it a great glory to be 'Auloxoves), and like thofe too fierce and cruel; but being foftened by natural decay, and length of time, grew mild; and weary of continual wars, made leagues and combinations for mu. tual defence and fecurity; and invefted fome perfon with power to overlook each man's actions, and to punish or reward those that broke or kept their promifes. Now, if focieties began thus, it is evident that they are founded on intereft alone, and therefore felf-prefervation is the only thing that obliges fubjects to duty; and when they are ftrong enough to live without the protection of their prince, all the bonds to che dience are cancelled, and mutiny and rebellion will neceffarily break forth; for we all know how ambitious every man is of rule, how paflion ately he defires it, and how eagerly he follows it, though ten thousand difficulties attend the pur:

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therefore, to preferibe laws to the governor, to
choose or refufe him on certain conditions, is to
invade the prerogative of Heaven, and rebel
against the Almighty. Thus when God defigned
to limit the power of the Jewish monarchy, he
preferibes laws himself; but fince he hath not
fixed any to other princes, every king, as fuch
(for I do not refpect their particular grants to the
people, which they are bound to obferve), is ab-
folute.

To free this from all exception, it must be con

fuit. What if he break his promife, recal his former confent, and act against the law that was founded on it? Why need he be concerned, if he has got the longest sword, and is above the fear of punishment? Will not a profpect of a certain profit lead him on to villany? And why fhould his confcience ftartle at wickedness that is attend ed with pleasure? Since all the Epicurean virtues are nothing but fear and intereft, and the former is removed, and the latter invites. It is true, as Lucretius fays, ftrange difcoveries have been made, and Plutarch gives us very memorable in-sidered, that the difcourfe is concerning the oriftances. Plots have been defeated, but as many proved fuccefsful; and how weak that fingle pretence, how infufficient to fecure government, is * evident from the daily plots and contrivances, murders, and treasons that disturb us; though all the terrors of religion join with thefe fears, and endeavour to fupprefs them. And, therefore, thefe opinions are dangerous, and deftru&ive of focieties, and, as Origen fays of his purgatory fires, ἐκ ἀκίνδαυον τὴν τῶν τοιέτων σαφήνειαν πιτεῦσαι γραφή, ἅτε τῶν πολλῶν ἢ χρηζόντων πλείονος διδασκαλίας παρὰ τὴν περὶ τῆς κατὰ τῶν ἁμαρ]ανόν]ων πολά σέως ἐς γὰρ τὰ ὑπρέκεινα αὐτῆς & χρήσιμον ἀναβαίνειν διὰ τῆς τὰς μόγις φόβῳ αἰωνία κολάσεως κἂν συσέλλον- | α; ἐπὶ πόσον τῆς κακίας, καὶ τῶν ἀπ' αὐτῆς ἁμαρία . Others, though pretending to better principles than thofe of Epicurus, yet are altogether as faulty in stating the rise of power, and more abfurd for his opinion is agreeable to his other pofitions, but theirs contradict the creation they affert, and the providence they allow; I mean those that declare the people to be the fpring and fountain of power, and that from their confent all the authority of the government is derived. Sure thefe men never confidered the relation betwixt God and his creatures; and what an abfolute dominion he has over thofe to whom he frit gave, and fill continues, being. But let | us look on man under that circumstance, and then❘ how naked, how divefted of all power will he appear? How unable to difpofe of himself, and fubmit to the laws of his fellow free agent? Unlefs he endeavours, as much as is poflible, to dif own the right of the Deity, and turns rebel against the authority of his being. For how can any one fubmit himself to another, without the exprefs permiffion of him that has abfolute domi. nion over him? And where is that permiffion? Is it founded on reafon or fcripture? Does benevolence, or felf-prefervation, the two propofed motives to fociety, fpeak any fuch thing? And does not fcripture exprefsly oppofe this opinion? Well then, all power defcends from above; it is the gift of that being to whom it principally belongs, and in Te Aids Barns, kings are from God, is true, both in the account of the fober heathen, and good Chriftian: and, therefore, every king that ever was, or is, whether he obtain the crown by fucceffion, or election (except the jewish), must be acknowledged abfolute. Liberty and property of the fubjects depend on his will, and his pleasure is law; for none can confine or limit that power which God bestows, but himself: and,

gin of power, which is now fettled in fome perfons, and by which communities are governed. The Epicureans act very agreeably to their impious principles, when they make fear and distrust the only motives to agreement, and the pacts which the scattered multitude agreed to be the foundation of the power of the prince; it being impoffible for them, who had excluded Provi. dence, to find any other original. But this opinion, as delivered by them, depending upon their other abfurd and impious philofophy, nutt be weak and irrational; yet ftill this notion is em-' braced, though not upon the fame motives; faction and ambition propagate that error, which was nothing elfe but innocent ignorance in the ancients. They confidered man as fingle, unable to live with fecurity or confort, because his fellows, either out of pride, luft, or covetousness, would endeavour to rob him of his enjoyments, and his life too, if it hindered them in the profecution of their wishes; thus they saw a neceflity of government, and because it proceeded from man's natural imperfections, they thought him, that by his wisdom, or his ftrength, was most fitted for the defence and prefervation of others, to be as it were a lord by nature, and born a fovereign. Thus Plutarch, i węros xai xvgiútajos νόμος τῷ σώζεσθαι δεομένῳ τὸν σώζειν δυνάμενον ἄρχοντα xalà Qúci àxodidwri. It is the first and most fundamental law, that he that is able to protect, is a king by nature to him that needs protection. Thus hiftorians make the election of the first kings to be for their ftrength, their wisdom, or their beauty: and Ariftotle peremptorily determines, that the barbarians are flaves by nature to the Greeks. This was innocent enough in them, but how can we be excufed, who have fuch perfect knowledge of a creation, who hear Wisdom proclaim, that by her kings reign, who made it an article in Edward the VIth's time, and now every day in our public prayers confefs, that God is the only ruler of princes? From whence it is neceffarily inferred, that he only beflows the power, for if it came from the multitude, what is more evident, than that they could make what conditions they pleafed, subject them to a high court of justice, and call them to account, if they act contrary to their pleasure? It being certain, and confirmed by common practice, that he that voluntarily parts from his right, may do it on what terms he thinks fit: Now, if it be certain (and demonftration proves it) that God is the alone giver of powers, if the prince be, as Plutarch and Menauder fay, xi, Pp iiij

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