a ícience not to be met with in your books, that are made up of nothing but trifling and false conje&tures.

66

Ver. 374. The books that treated of divination were composed by the Thofcans, a people of Italy, whom Tages had inftructed in that art: from him thefe books were called Tagetici; and Macrobius fays they were handed about in his days. Of this Tages, Cicero gives us the following account. Tages quidam dicitur in agro Tarquinienfi, cum terra araretur, et fulcus altius effet impreffus, extitiffe repentè, et cum affatus effe, qui arabat. Is autem Tages, ut in libris eft Hetrufcorum, puerili fpecie dicitur vifus, fed fenili fuiffe prudentiâ. Ejus afpectu cum obftupuiffet bubulcus, clamoremque majorem cum admiratione edidiffet, concurfum effe factum, totamque brevi tempore in eum locum Hetruriam conveniffe: tum illum plura locutum multis audientibus, qui omnia ejus verba exceperint, literifque mandaverint: omnem autem orationem fuiffe cam, qua Harufpicina Difciplina contineretur, eam poftea creviffe rebus novis cognofcendis, et ad eadem illa principia referendis," lib. 2. de Divinatione. As they were ploughing in the l'arquinian field, and the fhare ftriking deep into the ground, one Tages is faid to have started on a fudden out of the earth, and to speak to the ploughman. This Tages, as we find in the Tufcan books, is faid to have had the look of a boy; but the prudence and wisdom of old age. The peafant difmayed at the apparition, cried out aloud, and people flocked about him, infomuch that in a little time the whole country of Etruria were got together in that place: then Tages fpoke a great deal in the hearing of many perfons, who writ down all his words: the fubject of his difcourfe was only the doctrine of divination: which afterwards got footing in the world by new additions of knowledge, built on the principles he had taught them: Ovid. Metam. lib. 15.

ver. 553.

- Cum Tyrrhenus arator Fatalem glebam mediis afpexit in arvis, Sponte fuâ primum, nulloque agitante, moveri : Sumere mox hominis, terræque amittere formam; Oraque venturis aperire recentia fatis: Indigenæ dixêre Tagen, qui primus Etrufcamı Edocuit gentem cafus aperire futuros.

See likewife Lucan, lib. i. ver. 530, 587, 606.

Ver. 379. Omen.] This word, as we find in fome authors, feems not to have had originally fo extenfive a fignification, as we generally give it. Feftus explains it, " Omen quafi orimen, quod ore fiat augurium." Now auguries were drawn either from tokens given by the gods, or by men and thofe given by men were properly called omens :

neque folùm Deum voces Pythagorei obfervabant; fed etiam hominum, quæ omnia vocabant," fays he, in lib. 1. de Divinat. Apuleius de Deo Secr. fays, " Ita eft apud Platonem; ne quifquam arbitretur, omnia eum vulgo loquentûm captâile:" and foon after he adds, "videmus plerifque ufu wenire, qui nimiâ omnium fuperftitione non fem

per fuopte corde, fed alterius verbo reguntur yet other authors restrain not the fignification < this word to the voice, or utterance of the met: only, but extend it to all the actions of ke making it to fignify the fame with the ri the Greeks, who by that word understood foreboding figns or tokens of profperous or m profperous events: thus to begin with Cæfar, ve read that Auguftus, contrary to his custom, put on his left shoe first, the day that he narrowy efcaped being killed in a mutiny of the fold and Lampridius recounts among the signs of Aic ander's future empire, that the picture of the peror Trajanus, which hung over his father Fr lip's genial bed, fell down upon it, while his ther was in labour of him in the temple: and t omen Feftus and other authors call "caducum fpicium." Spartianus, in the Life of Hair fays, that while he was speaking in praise of tonius, a " prætexta" [a gown worn by the dr dren of noblemen] dropt down of its own acom and covered his head; and that a ring, on w his figure was engraved, fell off his finger, a own accord likewife: Ovid too believed in a when he said,

Omina funt aliquid: modo cum decedere velit. Ad limen digitos reftitit icta Nape. Pliny too speaks of these remoras, these oblas and hindering omens, which he calls" offeri pedum; et Plautus, auspicia & religionem: aufpicium commoratum eft:" In Amphit. in another place," an religio tibi objeđa?” like nature is that, which was offered to going against Vitellius; when fome advised m defer the expedition because the bucklen not all ready. This Tacitus relates in thefe

Fuère qui proficifcenti Othoni moras nemque non conditorum ancilium " See Suetonius likewife in the life of N 19. And Tibullus elegantly of these ftumis O quoties ingreffus iter mihi triftia diri

Offenfum in portâ figna dedidiffe pedem! And fuch were the omens they regarded in to a place but they likewise drew auguries their departure; as if any one who went with intention to go to a certain place, returned a fudden unexpectedly, and without executing t defign: but this took place only in facri Apollonius concerning the ceremonies of the g defs Trivia, or Diana, is thus rendered:

Sacrifque pera&is

Rufus abire pyra moneo: convertere nullus Te retro ftrepitufque pedum, fremitufque canu Cogat; nam facri fiat labor irritus omnis. where he seems to imply, that the folemn my ries were rendered of no effect by a noife, ar other interruption. Valerius Max. lib. iii. cap. "Ne facrificium Alexandri aut concuffo thuribe aut edito gemitu impediret :" but this was cha obferved in facred rites; yet Pythagoras gave like precaution by a perpetual fymbol: Ba és åvednμías pù μilasgipsedar of which he ase

reafon for the furies are paffing along. And reater moment, but not unlike this, is the admoment of the author of Human Salvation: "qui ro manum applicuit, ne refpiciat :" moreover, ey named thefe omens, "religionem objectam," u the other hand, we learn from Plautus, that a they had a mind to give a favourable interition to an omen, they called it," religionem rejicere," and the Greeks, woμ This at be confirmed by many examples; but we one illuftrious indeed in the perfon of Julius ir, who, at his landing in Africa, as he leaped e, happened to fall down, and to avert the ky omen of that accident, cried out, I have Africa. Suetonius: "Cum Cæfar Africa appuliffet, et in terram infulturus corruiffet, ,ut infauftum ex cafu omne averteret, Tete Africa." And the fame Cæfar always dif red an undaunted greatness of foul, and his was fo much fuperior to thefe fuperftitions, we no where read that any omen whatever deter him from any enterprife, or make delay the execution of any defign he had red to attempt. The fame Suetonius tells us, though the victim had escaped from the alhe would not put off his expedition against o and Juba. "Licet," fays he, "immolanti iffet hoftia, profectionem adverfus Scipionem bam non diftulit." To which Seneca alin Confolat. ad Marciam, where he fays, cito dolorem vicit, quam omnia folebat " over, the left parts of the body, as the left the left foot, &c. are in many authors ed unlucky but, on the contrary, Apuleius fents them as omens of good fuccefs: and ing of the left hand, fays: "Quartus æquioftendebat indicium, deformatan manum fim porrecta palmula; quæ genuina pigritia, calliditate, nulla folerita prædita, videbatur ati magis aptior quam dextera." And Ma. as in Saturnal. lib. i. cap 9. "Ideo Apolliimulacra manu dextra Gratias portant, ar

cum fagittis finiftra; quod ad noxam fit pi et falutem manus promptior largiatur :' h the following paffage of Catullus at once rates and explains:

ut dixit, amor finiftra amanti

ram fternuit approbationem.

r which he adds:

ic ab aufpicio bono profecti, tuis animis amant, amantur.

ut these omens properly relate to the actions uman life; and the ancients had befides fome re occult and fecret omens, which they took n things, from days, from names, and even m places and clothes: to things feem to relate omens that were taken to be unlucky, as fhipecks, and the remains of them and those ngs chiefly which from fome unfortunate accits have given rife to proverbs; as lofanum," and Equus Sejanus:" which, becaufe Ey are fo well known, I purposely forbear to plain. But I cannot omit a remarkable paffage TRANS. II.

aurum

Stetit acer in armis

Æneas, volvens oculos, dextramque repreffit: Et jam jamque magis cunctantem flectere fermo Coperat: infælix humero cum apparuit ingens Balteus, et notis fulferunt cingula bullis Pallantis pueri, victum quem vulnere l'urnus Straverat, atque humeris inimicum Infigne gerebat, Ille oculis poftquam fævi monumenta doloris, Exuviafque haufic; fu:iis accenfus, et ira Terribilis: tunc hic fpoliis indute meorum Eripiare mihi? Pallas te hoc vulnere, Pallas Immolat, et pænam fcelerato ex fanguine fumit. And Homer, in like manner, defcribes Achilles fwelling with rage and fury, at fight of the arms that Hector had taken from Patroclus. As to the days, fuch as were noted for any overthrow in battle, or any the like unfortunate event, were called religiofi, nefafti, and atri: of all which fee Augellius, lib. i. cap. 18. who there fully handles this matter; to which I will only add this paffage out of facitus, lib. 2. "Hiftor. Funefti omnis loco acceptum eft, quod maximum Pontificatum adeptus Vetellius de Ceremoniis XV. Cal. Aug. edixiffet, antiquitùs infaufto die Cremerensi Allienfiq. cladibus." Of names, fome were omens of profperity and diuturnity; others of the contrary: Crafus, Valerius, Macrobius, Lucius, Lucris, were names foreboded good. Plautus in Perl. Luc. "Nomen atque omen quantivis eft pretii: Dor. Si te eam mihi quoque Lucridem confido fore re." Furius, Hoftilius, Macer, were ill names. Martial. lib. v. Epigram 22..

Quinctum pro decimo, pro Craffo, regule, Macrum Ante falutabat Rhetor Apollonius.

ολμῶ καλείται μήποτ' ἔκ εἰσὶν θεοί·
κακοὶ γὰρ ἐντυχόν]ες επιπλήσωσί με.
dare to say ho gods direct this whole,
or villains profperous distract my foul

ys Ariftophanes and Diagoras refolved to be an thieft, as Empiricus delivers, because he did not vengeance fall presently on the perjured perfon, d confume him: Velleius Paterculus produces long and quiet reign of Oreftes, as a convincproof, that the gods directed him to murder rrhus; and approved the action: and Martial contracted all the force of the argument into Epigram.

illos effe Deos, inane Cœlum
firmat Selius, probatq. quod fe
Aum, dum negat hæc, videt beatum.

Seneca in his treatise, "Cur Malis benè & ais malè, cum fit Providentia," talks much of privilege of fufferings, that to afflict argues and kindness; and, in fhort, thinks this a at commendation of virtue.

· ἀρετῆς ἱδρῶτα θεοὶ προπά ροιθεν ἔθηκαν

immortal pow'rs have sweet near virtue plac'd.

ut this is not the way to answer the demands Epicurean, to fatisfy his doubts, who had er be accounted a happy fervant, than a miferfon of the Deity, who would not be fond of ents, that he might show " spectaculum Jove um, virum fortem cum malâ fortunâ compon:" who cannot think that fears and jealoufies the neceffary products of irreligious opinions; makes fuch the only means of obtaining hap fs and perfect ferenity of mind: who is inott * hted with the molt pleading phyfic, and | ld think him cruel, who makes ufe of faws lances, when a gentle cordial would restore patient to his health; we muâ therefore look other answers, and Plutarch presents us with ugh, fome of which have a peculiar force inft the Epicureans; who confefs man to be a agent, and capable to be wrought on by exple and precept.

irft, then, quick vengeance does not blaft the ked, that they themselves might learn lenity, Inot be greedy to revenge injuries to others: ὃς τῶν ἀλαθῶν τὸ ὁμοιοθῆναι Θεῶ it is the end of d men to be like God, fays Plato, and Hieroplaces the life of the foul in this imitation: re God fets forth himself an example, and any ble and generous mind would rejoice to have moft excellent for a pattern of his actions cretius followed Epicurus, becaufe he thought nfo, and the rest of his admirers make his ncied virtues the ground of their refpect. This, ken by itself, I confefs, is but a weak answer, ice one thunderbolt would fecure them from Ding mischief, whilft mercy and forbearance of n exafperate; and, because God holds his tongue, ey think he is even fuch a one as themfelves:

|

but if we confider it as a confequent of another reason, that is drawn from the goodness and kindnefs of the Deity, then it proves ftrong and fatisfactory.

The fecond reafon follows: God doth not prefently punish wicked men, that they may have time to become better; and here Plutarch brings examples of fuch, whofe age was as glorious as their youth infamous: if Miltiades, fays he, had been deftroyed, whilst he acted the part of a tyrant; if Cimon in his inceft, or Themistocles in his debaucheries, what had become of Marathon, Erymedon and Dianium, what of the glory and liberty of the Athenians? for as the fame author obferves, ἐδὲν αἱ μεγάλαι φύσεις μικρὸν ἐκφέρεσι, ὦ δι ἀργει δι' ὀξύτητα τὸ σφοδρὸν ἐν αὐταῖς, καὶ δραςήριον, ἀλλ' ἐν σάλῳ διαφέρον]ας πρὶν εἰς τὸ μόνιμον, καὶ καθεση xès des iλdev great fpirits do nothing mean, the active principles that compofe them will not let them lie lazily at reft, but tofs them as in a tempeft, before they can come to a steady and fettled temper.

Thirdly, The wicked are fometimes fpared to be fcourges to others, and execute juft judgment on men of their own principles: this is the cafe of tyrants and outrageous conquerors; fuch was Phalaris to the Agrigentines, fuch Pompey and Cæfar to the Romans, when victory had made them fwell beyond their due bounds; and pride and luxury fled from other countries upon the wings of their triumphing eagles: Such Alexander to the Perfian foftnefs, and, if we look abroad, ten thousand inftances occur and prefs upon us; Cedrenus, page 334, tells us, that when a monk inquired of God, why he fuffered cruel Phocas, treacherous to his emperor Mauritius, and an im placable enemy of the Chriftians, to obtain the empire, and enjoy power as large as his malice? a voice dogáras, gave this anfwer to his demand, χείρονα ἐκ εἴρον πρὸς τὸν κακίαν τῶν κατοικἔν]ων ἐν τῇ wer because I could find none worfe to fcourge the wickedness of the citizens: ard Alaricus declared, ἐκ ἐθελον]ὴς τὰ ἐκῶ πορέυμαι, ἀλλά τις καθ' ἑκάστην ὀχλει μοι βασανίζων καὶ λίγων, Απιθα τῶν Ρωμαίων πόρθησαν πόλιν it is not of my own accord that I attempt this, but fomething will not let me reft, but urges me on, and cries, Go fack Rome: and this requires, that they should not be only free from punishment, but likewise enjoy wealth and power, and all the opportunities and inftruments of mifchief: and this answer is equal to the objection in its greatest latitude, and gives fatisfaction to all thofe numerous little doubts, which lie in the great objection, as it was propofed.

be

Fourthly, The impious are not prefently confumed, that the method of Providence may be more remarkable in their punishment. hiftory of Beffus and Ariobarzanes in Curtius is an excellent inftance of this; and, amongst others, Plutarch gives us a memorable one of Belfus, who, having killed his father, and a long time concealed it, went one night to fupper to fome friends; whilft he was there, with his fpear he pulled down a fwallow's neft, and killed the

young ones, and the reafon of fuch a strange action being demanded by the guests, his anfwer was, ὦ γὰρ μὴ πάλαι καταμαρτυρέσιν αὗται ψευδῶς, καὶ καλαβοῦσιν ὡς ἀπεκλενόν]ος τὸν το αμέρα; do not they bear falfe witnefs against me, and cry out, that I killed my father? Which being taken notice of, and difcovered to the magiftrate, the truth appeared, and he was executed.

A great many other reafons are usually mentioned, but these are the principal, and fuppofe the liberty of the will; for if a man follow fate blindly, he is driven on, not perfuaded to act: if he be an automaton, and move by wheels and fprings, bound with the chain of deftiny, it is evident that fate is the cause of all his mifcarriages, and the man no more to be blamed for wicked actions, than a clock for irregular ftrikings, when the artist defigns it fhould do fo. No example can prevail on him, no promises entice, no threatenings affright him; being as unfit to rule himself, or determine his own actions, as a ftone in its defcent; and a piece of iron may be faid to act as freely as a man, if he be led on by fate, and its motion as fpontaneous, if liberty confifted in a bare abfence of inpediments.

Ver. 395. In thefe ten verfes, he argues, fecondly, That thunder is the effect of natural caufes, and not made by the gods: for if it were, they would not be fo lavifh of their bolts, as to throw them into folitary deferts: Had not Jupiter better keep them in ftore to deftroy his enemies, in time of need?

Ver. 405. The poet in thefe eight verfes argues, thirdly, That thunder comes not by the will of the gods, but is made by the laws of nature : for otherwife, why does it never come without clouds and noife? Why does it fall alike upon the feas and earth? What crime have the waters been guilty of, that they are thus punished?

To what has been faid of this already in the note on verfe 68, and the example we gave verse 268, in the perfon of M. Herennius, the Decurion, who was killed by thunder in a clear day, we add this of Lucan. lib.i.

ficit, cum in medium mare fulmen jacit Jupiter! Quid cum in altiffimos montes? Quod plerumque fit. Quid cum in defertas folitudines? Quid cum in earum gentium oras, in quibus hæc ne obfer. vantur quidem? And, to the fame purpose, Arif tophanes, Nipia. If Jupiter's bolts, fays he, are aimed against the perjured, how comes it to país, that neither Simon, Cleonymus, nor Theodorus are blafted by that celeftial flame? They, who are perjured with a witness! Why does his own temple, why does Sunion, the promontory of At tica, and why do mighty oaks, rather feel the ef feet of the fire? No doubt, because they are all perjured.

Ver. 413. In these fix verses, he, by way of di lemma, proposes two other wonderful argumen to deprive Jupiter of his thunder. Either he would have us avoid his bolts, or he would not: If he would, why is his thunder so subtile, and so fwift that we cannot perceive it coming, and get out of its way? And if we would not, why does he give us notice before hand of its coming, by overcaft. ing the air with gloomy clouds, by the grumbling of his thunder? &c.

Ver. 419. In these five verses he argues, fixthy, That thunder must be the effect of nature, fince a thunders in feveral places at the same time : a tak too laborious for any one Jupiter. But let us hear Sencca delivering the opinion of the ancients upo this matter: They did not believe, fays he, the a Jupiter, like him we worship in the capito darted his thunders with his hand: but they meant the mind and fpirit, who is the maker, lord and ruler of this mundane system, to whom every name agrees: The Thufcans to therefore held that thunder is fent by Jupiter, be caufe nothing is done without him. quidem crediderunt, Jovem, qualem in Capitoli, & in cæteris ædibus colimus, mittere manuf no; fed eundem, quem nos Jovem, integ cuftodem rectoremque univerfi, animum, ac tum, mundani hujus operis dominum, & artificem, cui nomen omne convenit. Idem Etrufcis quoque vifum eft: & ideo fulmine à Jove mitti di runt, quia fine illo nihil geritur. L. ii. Q. 45.

Ne boc

Ver. 424. In these feven verfes, he argues, feventhly, to this purpofe: If thunder were d rected by the will of the gods, is it credible they would beat down their own ftately temples? Would they dash to pieces fuch elaborate statues, the very masterpieces of Polycletes? a post mean-fpirited revenge! The poet fpeaks this by way of ridicule.

Ver. 429. In these two verses he argues, eighty, That it is but reasonable to believe, that thunder is produced by natural caufes, fince, for the mot part it falls on the highest mountains. Doft the not fee, fays Artabanus, the uncle of Xerxes, that God ftrikes with his lightning the largest animals, nor fuffers them to grow infolent, and that leaves the lefs unhurt? Doft thou not fee that his fiery darts always throw down the moft lofty edi fices, and the tallest trees? For God takes deligt to deprefs and humble the haughty. Herodotus, lib. vi. And Horace agrees with Lucretius,