worthy of note; yet it must be granted, thaf he knew the use of the compafs, his fhips w very flow failers, fince they made a three yel voyage of it from Eziongeber in the Red Sea Ophir, fuppofed to be Taptobana, or Malaca, i the Indies, which is not many months fail; an fince too in the fame, or a lefs, time, Drake an Cavendish performed their voyage round the earth. Moreover, fome are of opinion, that this directive power of the loadstone depends upon, and is derived from the two poles of the heavens: others from the Arctic pole only: Cardanus, from the tail of the Bear; Des Cartes from I know not what tractorious point, as he calls it, and which he imagines to be I know not where too, beyond the heavens; Fracaftorius, from certain magnetic mountains under the Arctic Pole: Gulielmus Gilbertus, from the earth itself, which, as one huge loadftone, conforms and brings into its native and natural fite, that is to fay, towards the hering one to another. This is the virtue of the magnet, which is called the attractive; but of the other, the directive, he says nothing; nor indeed do any of the ancients treat of this laft power of the loadftone. The moderns alone have inquired into that matter; and that too, only fince the invention of the magnetic needle; which, according to fome, was first discovered a little more than ive ages ago, that is to fay, A. D. 1260. At which time Guyotus, a native of Provence in France, writ a poem, which he called Marineta, En praife of this invention. And hence, fay the rench authors, the Flower de Luce, which is the rms of France, is every where, even among the arbarous nations, represented at one of the ends that needle. Petrus Peregrinus, another Frenchman, about three hundred years ago, writ a trea ife of the Magnet, and of a perpetual motion to be pade by it; which treatife has been preferved by aflerus. Paulus Venetus, and Albertus Magus, who flourished about five hundred years ago, oth of them, mention this verticity of the load-north and fouth, the loadstone itself, as a smalltone, and cite for it a book of Ariftotle's, intitued, De Lapide; but Cabeus and others rather adge that book to be the work of fome Arabic writer, who lived not many years before the days f Albertus. And, indeed, it is very probable, at the knowledge of the loadftone's polary power ad direction to the north was unknown to the icients; and Pancirollus juftly places it among e modern inventions; though Levinus Lemus, and Cœlius Calcagninus are of another be. f; but their strongest argument is only the fol wing paffage in Plautus: lic ventus jam fecundus eft; cape modo verfo. riam. earth, and the iron as its offspring. In regard to the attractive virtue of the loadftone, the opinions likewife are different. Thales, Ariftotle and Hippias afcribed it to the foul, with which they held it to be endowed. But it is not certain what hands, or what fenfes nature has given to this ftone. Cardanus intimates that it is only a certain appetite, or defire of nutriment, that makes the loadftone fnatch the iron; and according to this opinion, Claudian Epig. 4. Ex ferro meruit vitam, ferrique rigore And Diogenes Apolloniota, lib. ii. Nat. Quæft. cap. 23. confirms the fame opinion, when he fays, that there is humidity in iron, which the drynefs of the magnet feeds upon. Others fly to fympathy, and certain occult qualities. The opinions of Democritus, Epicurus, and Lucretius, are explained in the following notes. Ver. 903. In thefe four verses, the poet only tells us, that to give a methodical account of the attractive power of the loadftone, it will be neceffary to take the matter higher, and to repeat fome of the maxims he has taught already. Ver. 907. In these thirteen verses, he premises, I. That corpufcles are perpetually flowing from, all things and this he has taught before, Book IV. ver. 47. et feqq. Now the word "verforiam" they interpret to the compafs; but, according to Pineda, who as particularly difcuffed this matter, and to Tur. febus, Cabeus, and several others, it rather fignites the rope that helps to turn the fhip, or that makes it tack about; for the compafs shows that he fhip is turned, rather than contributes to its onverfion. As for the long expeditions and oyages of the ancients, which may feem to conrm the antiquity of this invention, it is not imrobable, but they were performed by the help f the stars, by the flight of birds, or by keeping ear the fhore for thus the Phoenician naviga. ors, and Ulyffes too, might fail about the Medi. erranean; and thus likewife might Hanno coaft bout Africa. And as to what is contended, that his verticity of the loadftone was not unknown o Solomon, who is prefumed to have had a univerfality of knowledge, it may as well be averred, Ver. 920. In thefe twenty-three verfes, he prethat he knew the art of typography, of making miles, II. That no compound body is to folid, as guns and powder, or that he had the philofopher's not to confift of fome void: that is to fay, as not flone, though he fent to Ophir for gold. It can to contain some empty little spaces. And this the not indeed be denied, but that, belides his politi-poet has demonftrated at large. B. I. ver. 402. cal wisdom, he was very knowing in philofophy; and perhaps too, as fome believe, from his philofophical writings, the ancient philofophers, efpecially Ariftotle, who had the afliftance of the acquifitions of Alexander, collected many things TRANS. II. Ver. 99. This and the ten following verfes are repeated from B. IV. ver. 240. et feqq. Con-, fult there the notes upon them. et feqq. Ver. 933. This, and the three next verses are repeated word for word, from book i. ver. 335. though Lucretius varies them in the original: but the fenfe indeed is the fame. U u Ter. 939. This and the following verfe run place to fhow the reafon why, or manner how, S in the original, : -Quin ferri quoque vim penetrare fuevit, ndique qua circum corpus lorica coërcit, Morbida vis quæcunque extrinfecus infinuatur. This paffage has puzzled the interpreters, and after all, they know not well what to make of it: Creech in this tranflation has followed the opinion of none of them, and indeed difapproves of them all in his Latin edition of Lucretius: for, fays he, what can Lucretius mean by a coat of mail? No man ever believed, that the infectious power of difeafe ever pierced through a coat of mail. He diflikes alfo all the other explications given by the feveral other annotators to this paffage which at length he corrects, and instead of "morbida vis," reads "fervida vis;" which lection, fays he, makes all things plain and easy : for often, when men armed from head to foot, fcaled the walls of a city, the befieged poured down upon them melted pitch, fulphur, fcalding water, &c. the heat of which pierced through their armour, and made them fenfible of it. This expofition feems the most natural of any that have been given to this paffage, and agrees beft with the preceding part of the argument. But he is evidently mistaken in the interpretation he gives it in this tranflation, and this may ferve for one of the many instances might be given, that he had not ftudied his author fo thoroughly, when he rendered him into Englith, as afterwards, when he came to publifh his Latin edition. Ver 943 In thefe fourteen veries, the poet premifes, III That the corpufcles which flow from things, do not agree with all things, nor affect them alike, or in one and the fame manner. This he has demonftrated in many places of the preceding books; but chiefly in the fourth. Ver 957. In thefe thirteen verfes, he premifes, IV. That there are different little fpaces, or pores of various figures in all compound bodies: from whence it comes to pafs, that all things cannet be adapted to, nor fit, and agree with, every one of them this he has proved before, in the fecond and fourth books and confirms again in this place, by the fame examples he there alleged in proof of this doctrine Ver 970 In these three verfes he concludes, and fays, that these things being premifed, it is cafy to difcover and understand, how, and for what reafon the leadftone attracts iron. And this is what he is going next to explain. Ver 973 Epicurus explained two several ways the attractive virtue of the loadftone; and it is trange Lucretius has omitted one of them: or rather it has been loft out of the text, fince what Lucretius has fo carefully premised, seems more properly adapted to that caule, than to the other that remains If you are defir us to know more of it, fee Gaffendus, tome ii. p. 129. where you will find many things, by which this doctrine of Epicurus is illuftrated, and fully explained. But to proceed: Lucretius having premifed the four propofitions abovementioned, undertakes in this the loadftone attracts the iron, and the iron, on the other hand, is carried and moves towards the leadstone. To this end, in thefe fourteen veries, he teaches, 1. That many corpufcles flow as well from the loadstone as from the iron; but the greater quantity, and the more strong from the magnet: whence it comes to pass, that the air is always difperfed, and driven away to a greater diftance round about the loadftone, and confe quently, that fewer empty little spaces are made around the iron. And because, when the irea is placed within the fphere, as they fay, of the air, that is removed and driven away, there must be a great deal of void space between that and the loadftone; the corpufcles of the iron fly the more freely into that empty space, and therefore necef farily towards the magnet; but thofe corpufcles of the iron cannot hurry that way in a great quan tity, without dragging along with them the par ticles that adhere to them, and by confequence the whole mafs of iron. Ver. 987. These five verfes Gaffendus thus er plains: inafmuch as the iron tends indifcriminate ly upwards, downwards, across, in a word, any way, according as it is placed above, below, on one fide, &c. of the magnet; the poet teaches, that it could not move in that manner, but by reason of the induction of the void, into which the corpufcles of the iron, that would otherwife move downwards only, are carried indifferently, and without the leaft diftinction. Thus Gaffendus believes, that the five verfes relate to the explication laft above pro pofed; but I, fays Creech, am of another opinion: for the whole matter there relates to the corpuf cles of the iron leaping forward into the veil, that is made by the effluviums from the loaditore: but here, in thefe verfes, the little bodies are protruded into the void by blows: therefore thy more properly belong to what follows. Cred in Edit. Lat. tion. Ver. 992. Lucretius labours hard to prove, the the motion of the ftcel is helped forward by the air, becaufe of its certain continual motion and agita And first, in thefe ten verfes, he fays, it is affifted by the exterior air, which, fince it is al ways driving forward, and that too with more force, the more there is of it, cannot but push o the iron into that place where there is leaft air, and confequently most void: which must be towards the loadflone. Then, in fix verfes, by the interior air, which for the fame reason, fince it always agitates, moves, and drives forward, cannot but begin the motion towards that place, which is rendered most void and empty. Ver. 1008. Gaffendus here obferves, that Lncretius feems to have feen that experiment, in which the loadstone fometimes manifeftly repels, or at least seems to repel, the iron. What he means is this: it is difcovered, that there are is the loadflone two oppofite parts [we now com monly call them poies; ore the northern, the other the fouthern], to one of which, if one end of the iron needle be moved, it is drawn and at tracted by it; and if the fame end of the needle be afterwerds applied to the other pole, it leaps, and seems to be repelled from it. But that great man, fays Creech, indulges himself too much in his own opinion: for the poet propofes nothing in these verses concerning the flight of the iron from the loadstone, nor do any of the following examples speak fully of it: but Lucretius had feen little rings, and filings or fegments of iron, when put into a veffel of braf, move and dance about, if a loadstone were applied to the bottom of the veffel: and, perceiving this to be caused by the interpofition of the brass (though the fame will happen if glafs, wood, ftone, or any other fub:ftance be interpofed), in thefe twelve verfes, he gives this reason of it, That some corpufcles are emitted from the brafs into the filings, or little bits of iron, and that these corpufcles so fill up the little void fpaces of the iron, that the magnetic corpufcles, which come afterwards, and are tranfmitted through the brass, finding these little empty spaces already taken up, heave and drive forward the bits of iron with all the strength they can. Ver. 1010. Steel filings.] Lucretius calls them Samothracia ferrea," which were hollow iron rings, made to open, and in which they wore their amulets: at firft the " Flamen Dialis" wore them: "annulo, nifi pervio caffoque, ne utitor." At length fervants took upon them to wear them; and, in the age of Pliny they were laid over with gold: " fervitia jam ferrum auro cingunt; alia per fefe mero auro decorant: cujus licentia origo nomine ipfo in Samothrace, id inftitutum declarat." Plin. Nat. Hift. lib. xxxiii. cap. I. Ver. 1020. It may be asked, why a loadstone does not make the filings of other bodies move in like manner? The poet teaches in these ten verfes, that the reafon is, because they are either too heavy to be moved, or if they are light, they are then too rare; infomuch that the corpufcles of the magnet find a free and open paffage through them. Ver. 1030. Hitherto of the motion of the iron towards the loaditone, or of its flight from it. Now, as to its adhesion to it, he tells us in twenty verfes, that it ought not to seem strange, because there is a like confent and agreement between other things alfo, which refufe to be joined, or connected, except to one certain thing only. Thus ftones are cemented with plafter and lime: boards with glue: and that too fo ftrongly, that the planks themselves will break, rather than the glue di-join: water mingles with wine, but not with oil and pitch: wool is dyed with the blood of the purple fish and gold is foldered with filver, but not with lead; which nevertheless folders brafs to brafs. And thus the adhefion of the fteel to the loadstone is made in this manner: on the furface of the magnet there are hooks, and on the furface of the steel little rings, which the hooks catch hold of. Ver. 1033. Lucret." glutine taurino:" for the krongest glue was made of the ears and genitals of bulls: "glutinum præftantiffimum fit ex auribus taurorum, et genitalibus." Plin. Nat. Hift. Jib. xxviii, cap. 17, Ver 1037. The purple of the ancients was dyed with the blood of a thell-fish, called Purpura; it was found in a white vein, runni◆ through the middle of the mouth, which was cut out and boiled and the blood, ufed in dying, produced the colour “nigrantis rofæ fublucentem,” which Pliny fays is the true purple, though there were other forts too of it, as the colour of violet, hyacynth, &c. Of this invention, fee Plin. lib. ix. cap. 38. and Pancirollus. The greatest fishing for thefe purples was at lyre: and there was the chief manufacture and trade of purple, as likewise the first invention of it; which is attributed to Hercules Tyrius, who, walking upon the shore, faw his dog bite one of those fish, and obferved his mouth all stained with that excellent colour, which gave him the first hint of teaching the Tyrians how to dye with it: from this invention of this colour, it is called in Greek gyos because, says Aristotle, de color. it is, as it were da gy, the work of the fea; and Plato in Timæus defines dag, to be red mingled with white and black. See Guil Tyrenfis, Pontif. lib. 13. Belli Sacri, cap. I. where he speaks of Tyre. The purple of Africa, a country nearer to the fun, was, as we are told, for that reafon, of a violet colour: the ingredients of which confift of much white, and a little red but the common purple now-adays is, as the best artists tell us, a mixture of a great deal of red and a little black; yet the Tyrian purple is generally held to have been more inclining to red, which is a certain mixture of white and black, or rather to scarlet But this fort of purple, ever fince the fishing for the pur pura, is by the taking of Tyre, come into the power of the Turks, has been totally loft: not for want of materials; for the fifh is ftill to be found; but because the true art of ordering it is no longer known. Pancirollus tells us, we may guess at the colour of it by the Italian July-flower; and that it was not, as fome believed, like the amethyst, but rather like the ruby, pyropus, or carbuncle. Some will have it to have refembled the colour of the elemental fire; and others, that of what they never faw, the empyrean heaven. But to guess what the colour of this true purple was, by the defcription, which the ancients have left of it, we may call to mind, that Juvenal calls it "ardens purpura," flaming purple; and we find in Cicero, Qui fulgent purpurâ,” who shine in purple; which statius yet improves : Illius è rofco flammatur purpura vultu :" And many the like inftances might be produced from the ancients, of the refulgency of this colour. Some mention an extraordinary way of dyeing the purple colour with the blood of apes: and the Indians make trial of the best common pur le, by dropping fome oil on a piece of purple filk, which, they fay, will not ftain it, if the purple be good : but these two particulars I mention only for the U ujj. Ver. 1040. Solder.] What the goldsmiths of to folder gold, is called borax, a fort of chryfocol, which is a kind of mineral, found like fand in mines of brafs, filver, or gold. Ver. 1045. Here Lucretius tells us, that the juncture is most strong, and the union moft firm and lafting, between things, whose parts exactly correfpond and fquare with one another: thofe things, fays he, whose textures mutually answer to one another, in such a manner, that the ca that and the cavities of that with the plenitudes of this, may be conjoined moft eafily, and in the ftricteft manner: and fome things may be fo joined to others, as if they were fastened together with hooks and rings: and in this manner it is, that the loadftone feems connected to the steel. Thus our poet concludes his difputation con fake of their extravagancy. Whatever the purple of the ancients was, our purple is made of what the druggifts call turnefol, which is a mixture of vermilion and blue byffe, or cynnaber. As to the ancient wearing of purple, Lemazzo, lib iii. cap. 14. obferves. that the kings of Troy, and the chief of the nobility, were wont to dress themfelves in feveral colours, on the feveral days of the week, and wore a particular colour on each day; and that the chief of them was the purple: thus on Sunday they wore yellow, on Monday white,vities of this thing agree with the plenitudes of on Tuesday red, on Wednesday blue, on Thurfday green, on Friday purple, and on Saturday black. Now the reafon, why they dreffed themfelves in purple on Friday, may have been, becaufe that day was facred to Venus, whofe bufkins are faid to have been red, between which and purple, there was but little difference, fays the fame Lomazzo, in the place above cited. He far-cerning this wonderful stene: which is alone ful ther obferves, cap. 19. of the fame book, that they, wore likewife feveral colours on the feftivals of feveral months of the year: in those that happened in January, they wore white. in February afh colour, in March tawny, in April dark green, in May light-green, in June carnation, in July red, in Auguft yellow, in September blue, in October violet, in November purple, and in December black. Now the month of November was under the protection of Diana amongst the Romans, who derived themfelves from the Trojans, and that goddefs, like Venus, wore red, or rather purple, bufkins and therefore, for the like reason, it may be conjectured, that they wore purple on the ho lidays of that month. Besides, in November their festival dedicated to Jupiter, and therefore they might probably go then drefied in purple: for many of the Roman cuftems, as well as their pretended original, were derived from the Trojans and lastly, that author takes notice, that in fucceeding ages, whenever the emperor himtelf went into the field, the ftandard was of a purple colour. Thus wee fee, that purple was anciently the wear of princes; and therefore honeft Umbritius in Juven. Sat. 3 conceived fo great indignation, that the meaner fort of people began to clothe themselves in that regal colour, that he alleges it as one of the reafons of his retiring from Rome: "Horum ego non fugiam conchylia?" ver 81. And Auguftus, as we find in Suetonius, in his life, forbid the promiscuous use of it for which Tacitus commends that emperor, and at the fame time gives the reafon of that prohibition in these words: "Præclarè vero prudentérque Cæfar ordines civium vefte difcriminavit, ut fcilicet qui locis, ordinibus, dignationibus anteftant, cultu quoque difcernerentur." Annal, 2. Yet at length, liberty prevailed at Rome, and the meaner fort, if their money could reach it, clothed themselves in purple; and lived as in the Spartan commonwealth, where, by the laws of Lycurgus, it was forbid to all alike, that any one man should go better dreffed than another. ficient to humble the towering arrogance of pry. ing man, and to baffle and mock his vain pretence to knowledge; fince he never could attain to the difcovery of what it is, nor of the great power, that the Divine Wifdom has. beftowed upon it: well may it be styled Herculean, it being inf perable on many accounts: the ancients knew fcarce any thing of it; and the modern philofophers, that they might feem to be ignorant of nothing, pretend to explain this hidden secret of ne ture; but have failed in the attempt, and have of ly involved it in yet greater difficulties: for what is more abfurd, or more repugnant to common obfervation, than to imagine to ourselves, that the whole earth is compacted of folid iron, or than to call it the great loaditone, whofe purer fegments do now and then by chance fall into our hands Is it thus that we philofophize, and think it bet ter to pervert than fuffer things to lie hid in the infcrutable majefty of nature? Lucretius endesvoured to difcover the cause of a most potens effect, viz. Why iron runs to the loadstone, vd obftinately adheres to it? But fetting fail improdently, was fhipwrecked in the port. His fir affertion is, that the corpufcles of the loadflore ftrike and chafe away the air: but this we know by experience to be falfe: for the water is not moved, when a loadstone is put under the veffe that contains it: neither will you find the air be moved, if, for trial's fake, by the exhalation that fleems from a cenfer, or the vapour of he water, you render it fo thick, that from perfpicu ous it become confpicuous; for the fmoke will go alike forward, whether you apply the load ftone, or take it away: and if no force be offered to the medium, the loadstone will fill ftrongly attract the steel: therefore the place is not made empty, nor the air expelled but grant the space to be void, whence proceeds that great fedulity of the steel, to fill immediately the vacant place? If it be answered, from the established order of things, to the end, nothing in the universe may be void of body; it may be replied, that it then overthrows their opinion, who hold the void to be the fecond principle of natural things. Befides, corpufcles flow no lefs from the iron, than from the magnet: therefore, if the effluviums of the iron have filled the vacant space, why is not the ring stopped, and why does it haften onward? If it be answered, that it is driven forward by external air. why is not that protrufion perpetual, even while the magnet is away? And whence proceeds this inconftancy, that compels the air to renounce its natural gravity, and move by afcent? Nor is the internal air, included in the ring, of any greater moment: For fince the iron emits corpufcles on all fides, why does it incline and move one way rather than another? Befides: how ill does what Lucretius here afferts, that the air refides in, and fills up the pores or open paffages of concrete bodies, agree with his doctrine of a void, which he endeavoured before to perfuade us to believe, and which he grounded on those very pores of bodies? In vain, therefore, has been the fearch of our poet into this miraculous fecret of nature, fince it has led him unawares into arguments, that tend to the confutation of that philofophy, which he has been labouring to eftablish. called chronic, from xgoves, time: others difpatch the patient in a little time, or else he recovers, and therefore they are called acute : I now return to Lucretius, who feems to imply, that the only tokens of an offended and angry deity, that he has left unmentioned, are epidemical diseases and plagues: and if there be nothing wonderful and divine in these things neither, we may then indeed disclaim, and bid adieu to all providence. But our poet tells us, that there is no need of much ceremony, nor to beat about the bush, to discover the caufes of plagues: for, fays he, in eight verfes, as in the universe, there are many cor puscles that are healthful to man, and other animals, fo there are many too that are noxious and deadly. Now, when thefe noxious corpufcies, whether they arife out of the earth, or whether they fall down from the fkies, fill the air, it grows diseased and infectious; and thus plagues and contagions enter into the bowels of men and other animals. If we will not allow of these foreign corpufcles, he bids us, in feven verfes, fearch into the aft itself, and we fhall find the cause of this great calamity and destruction: for the air of different countries is different, and that which is healthful to the native inhabitants, is unhealthful to foreigners, who are not used to it and this, fays, our poet, in nine verfes, is the reason, that certain difeafes are peculiar to certain countries: then he teaches, in feven verses, that when the air of our region is blown into another, the whole air of the sky muft of ncceffity be corrupted; and thus, fays he, in twelve verses, the fprings and herbs are infected; or the corrupted air itself proves mortal. Lastly, he confirms this difputation, by the example of that memorable plague which happened in Athens, during the heat of the Peloponnefian war,jand describes it at large in one hundred and fixty-five verses. Ver. 1050. Hitherto our poet has been difputing of the things, that are commonly said to be, "fecundùm naturam," natural: he is now going to try the ftrength of his philofophy in those, which by the phyficians are called, "præter naturam,” preternatural; and these are held to be three: I. Disease. 1. The cause of disease. III. The fymptom, or the effect, accident, or paffion, attending any sickness for symptom, in the general acceptation of the word fignifies whatever happens to an animal preternaturally: i. e. difeafe, and the internal cause of difeafe, together with whatever fupervenes in the disease. As to what relates to the cause of difeafes, and their fymptoms, Lucretius takes but little notice: for he difdains common difeafes; and is going to treat of plagues only, and to inquire into the caules of then. And here we may take notice, that phyficians allow two forts of dffeafes, which they call," communes, & fparfim vagantes," com mon diseases, and fuch as wander here and there, and come not after an ordinary manner: these laft Hippocrates in his language calls ☛ogadines the diseases they call common, are those that are peculiar and naturally incident to one place or Country; for which reafon they are likewife called Endemii, that is to say, regional; and, because | they often feize many perfons, popular or vulgar; but by the Greeks izdu, i. e. public or univerfal. Now if thefe difeafes, be fides that they feize many perfons at the fame time, and in one and the fame place, have this to boot, that they kill many perfons likewife, they are then called a plague: by the Greeks opis: by the Latins peftis, à pafcendo," in like manner as, according 20 Ifidorus, peftilentia is faid, "quafi paftulantia, quòd veluti incendium depafcit,” because it confumes and devours like a burning flame. But in the art of phyfic, difeafes likewife admit of another diftinction; taken from their longer or Shorter duration, for fome diicafes are lingering, and of long continuance; for which reafon, they are Here we must obferve, that our tranflator has not fully rendered the beginning of this difputa tion; which in the original is as follows: Mortiferam poffit cladem conflare coorta Nunc, ratio quæ fit morbis, aut unde repentè Morbida vis hominum generi pecudumque catervis, Expediam. In which verfes the poet propofes, that he is now going to treat of the caufes of those diseases, that are mortal both to men, " pecudumque catervis," and to beafts of which laft our interpreter has taken no notice; though it be certain, that plagues are not peculiar to man alone; but pro inifcuous and common to beafts likewife; as fhall be shown by and by in our note on ver. 1087. Ver. 1053. In thefe eight verfes the poet says, that the cause of difeafes may be ascribed to the very noxious nature of the air itself; and teaches, how the air comes to be morbiferous: for, fays he, many atoms, that bring both difcafe and death, are continually flying to and fro in the air; as many others are likewife, that are healthful and vital, or conducing to the maintenance and prefervation of life: but those diseased and fickly |