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received very great assistance in the ar- Union meant to follow. The effect of rangement of his plan from a gentleman the contemplated organisation will be, whom he named, and who is a banker that if riots should occur in Birmingham, at Wolverhampton. ten or fifteen thousand men will, in the After Mr. Jones had submitted his short space of two hours or less, be plan to the consideration of the Council, prepared, irresistibly, to vindicate the a second plan, differing but little from law, and restore the peace and security the first, was proposed by Mr. Ed- of the town. Mr. Edmonds particular monds. Neither of the plans was ly insisted upon the truth, that if the adopted, but both were referred to the Unions show their strength, they will consideration of a committee appointed never have to exert it. The contemfor the purpose. The report of the plated measure will give additional committee will be brought up on Tues- credit to the Union. It will place the day next. We shall then lay the plan members more immediately under the adopted before the public. eye of the appointed officers, and any violent, illegal, or seditious conduct will draw upon the man who exhibits it immediate expulsion. Thus, in whatever light the measure is viewed, whether as a conservative step to defend the peace when violated, whether as a support to the King and his Ministers, or whether as a means of enhancing the integral worth of the Union, it seems entitled to praise. Such is decidedly the impression which exists among the Council.

Mr. HIPKISS very judiciously observed, that in the proposed organisation, the Union will have to steer clear of two great difficulties. On the one hand, they must not trench upon the law, so as to be caught in its meshes; and on the other, whilst they still act with, and for, the Government, they must not be ostensibly the tools of men who are in power, lest they thus cause a suspicion amongst the people that they are not firm, uncompromising friends of the popular cause. The deliberations of the Council will be directed to the devising of a plan which will secure the Union from either of these dilemmas. No time will be lost in completing the organisation. Mr. Attwood observed that no delay must be encouraged, for a week is important. Important, because circumstances may occur which will require the Union to preserve peace, and defend the law, Government, and his Majesty. To convey some idea of the importance which the surrounding Unions attach to the proceedings of the Union at Birmingham, we need only observe, that one member of the Council stated that he, in his individual capacity, had received, during the week, three letters, inquiring what course the

Mr. Attwood gave his opinion upon the subject in the most candid and fearless manner. He did not hesitate to say that the bill was in danger. It had been rejected by the House of Lords, and he feared it would be rejected again. But there were other circumstances which he could not but consider. It was possible-he did not think it was probable, but it was possible-that our good and patriotic King may be induced, by the wiles of those who surrounded him, to withdraw his support from the Bill. It was possible that the machinations of our powerful enemies may defeat the Ministers, and compel them to resign. And if, said Mr Attwood, the King, army, and the navy, are transferred into the power of the boroughmongers, why

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then I could not but feel the peculiar dan- would instigate to violence. No crowd, ger of my situation. He knew that spies however powerful and determined in from the enemies' camp were in Bir-itself, can do any-thing effectual withmingham; they might be then in the out a head. Not only would any petty room, and he hoped they were, in order effort fail, but those who made it would that they might see the determination break the holy league which now exists of the Union to go with the law in de- between the King, the people, and the fence of the law. He cautioned the peerage. He said the peerage, for it Union and the people, whose happiness must never be forgotten that all the old was his being, end, and aim, not to be- peers were for the people, and none but come the victims of the spies to whom the upstart peers were against them. he had alluded; if the people did but That league must not be broken, for in remain legally united respecting the law, it the hope of the country is anchored. they would not long be slaves; but if That league will give to the country a they allowed faction to arise amongst boon far greater than Magna Charta them, they never could be free. He itself; for Magna Charta only destroyed illustrated this by the fable of the Bulls. the tyranny of a King, to erect that of If the enemy could send spies to excite the barons; but the bill of reform will the people to rise in petty, unorganised, destroy the tyranny of all, and erect on undirected bodies, in order that those its ruins the liberty of the people at He would say the same of the bodies might be cut down in detail, the large. energy of the people would be damped, Bill of Rights, which only transferred they would argue from these numerous power from the hands of one faction failures of petty bodies to the failure of into the hands of another, which has all attempts, and the cause of reform scourged the people more severely than must fall to the ground; the borough- the former did. Mr. Attwood briefly mongers would triumph, and the vener-referred to the Lancashire reformers. able Earl Grey himself, whose life had He did not condemn annual Parliabeen devoted to reform, might be brought ments, vote by ballot, and universal to punishment for his patriotic efforts. suffrage; but really he could not say Again he conjured the people not to whether a bill, in which these were inlisten to men who urged them to these cluded, would or would not be more partial risings, which never could favourable to the happiness of the peosucceed. If by their spies the borough-ple than the bill of Lord John Russell. mongers should induce the people to waste their strength wickedly, sillily, murderously, as they have done at Bristol, he for one should immediately despair of reform. The working classes can of themselves do nothing but plunder, and burn, and pull down society upon their own heads. Therefore the members of the Union should, with spirit, act up to that clause in their regulations, which instructs them to consider as their enemy any man who

Mr. Attwood's sole object was to see a state of things which would give the poor man honest food for honest labour, and which would make the employer as dependent upon the employed as the employed upon the employer. If he found that the present measure would not lead to this happy and natural state of things, why then he would go for something else. But he never would forego a certainly practicable and salutary measure for one which is at present

of an impracticable character. He He said the Union had always had diffiagain repeated, that no petty rising of culties to contend with; those difficul-the populace could effect the triumph ties were daily, nay, hourly increasing. of the bill, unless they had with them The Union must be organised peace(as the Union has) the mind, the fully, efficiently, and legally. It is a muscle, and the mass of the people sacred duty which we owe to ourselves throughout the country. But when and our friends. Therefore, when the they have these, why, if ever the law plan is published, let every man act with should be violated-if ever Polignac promptitude; let every petty jealousy should come-we stand upon an im- be forgotten, and the welfare of our pregnable rock to repel him, and defend country be the object, the only object the laws and liberties of our country. of all. The office which he held, he It required no little energy and power held only for the benefit of the people. to oppose and defeat a sordid oligarchy. He hoped every little, low feeling Julius Cæsar, when he had conquered would be banished from the hearts of the world, did not venture to oppose the Unionists-that one closely-united the tyrants of Rome, until their conduct phalanx might be exhibited to meet any had condemned itself, and then he ex- coming emergency. The time was at claimed, "We will go where the gods hand when men's hearts would be tried. and justice call us." Here was an ex- In every society there must be leaders, ample for the people: let them adhere and the Union itself would have been to the law, to the throne, and the Go- powerless without the Council. The vernment, and put their trust in them Council would be placed in dangerous until they deceive them. When they circumstances if the boroughmongers have deceived us-but deceive us they should again triumph. Therefore he scarcely can we must have a care lest called upon the Union to take such -they destroy us. If, indeed, the bo-steps as would enable them, if efforts roughmongers should throw out the were made to oppose the King or punish bill a second time, they will destroy Lord Grey, unless the people save him. The proposed organisation will enable us to do this with effect, and, therefore, it was very important that this should The above is a mere skeleton of Mr. be done whilst the present Ministry are Attwood's address. It is evident that in power. The vile Standard is labour-the project now under the consideration ing to prejudice the mind of our excel- of the committee is one which must enlent King against the reformers. It is gage the attention of the public at largesaid we caused the riots at Bristol; we, We shall lay before them the earliest who keep peace at home, go to excite information respecting it. The attendisturbance abroad! These wretched tion of the Council was then turned to insinuations may injure us; therefore let the late affair at Bristol, and to certain us make hay whilst the sun shines. Be facts connected with the Reform Bill. prompt and decisive. Mr. Attwood, in We shall report the whole to-morrow. the course of a long and powerful speech, One fact, however, we must now norepeatedly urged the necessity of a peace- tice:-Mr. Pare read from a letter which ful demeanour on the part of the people. he had just received from Bristol, the

his Ministers, to arrest the hand of the destroyer, and vindicate the rights of Englishmen, the happiness of their homes, and the principles of law.

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cognised the person who fired it, and he proves to be one of the special constables sworn in by the magistrates to protect the entry of Sir Charles Wetherell. The writer of the letter states, that upon inquiry being made into the whole of this unfortunate affair, some dark doings will be discovered.

important fact, that one gentleman | to what he means to do. He is only whose house was burnt down has re- one, in number, of a Ministry; but, in the eyes of the people, he is the whole Ministry; and the people ought, by some means or other, to be, as quickly as possible, informed of what he is resolved upon. Two or three men, of excellent understandings, have told me, that they suspected it to be his intention estate, leaving his successors to do what quietly to resign, and retire home to his they could with the troubled nation. I have always opposed this opinion; for, besides the impolicy of it; besides the of connivance on his part, Lord GREY suspicion, the well-grounded suspicion,

In consequence of the increasing anxiety manifested by the public to attend the meetings of the Council, a committee has been appointed to pro-would be justly chargeable with all the cure a still larger room for their accommodation.

horrible works which would inevitably succeed such a step taken by him. And what apology would he have for such a step? That he found the Now, my readers may be well assur- obstacle, mentioned above? That would ed, that Mr. ATWOOD did not say what be worse than saying at once that he had is here imputed to him, without being changed his mind, and was no longer thoroughly convinced of the danger, of for reform! No; he never can do this which he spoke! In short, I believe, thing: he never can devote his country that the existence of the danger had been to anarchy. His path is very simple: communicated to him in the most au- he has only to tell the people plainly, thentic manner; and that he had been that he is determined to propose THE chosen as the channel for conveying the BILL again, and to keep his place, in alarm to the whole country! Every man order to do it, unless he be put out of his of only plain common sense, who is at place. Let him plainly say that, and all all used to estimate the value of words will be well; the bill will be carried, made use of in such a case, must see and an end will be put to the turmoil, what is now the obstacle that Lord and the throne and the Peers and all will GREY has to contend with, and where be safe. The people are every-where that obstacle lies. Every such man ready to support him; but they are in must also see that the fate of the king-the dark as to his intentions. I do hope dom, as far as regards its peace and that many days will not pass before safety, now depends UPON HIN, and those intentions will be explicitly deupon him alone. If he had, if he found clured. the obstacle, on the 10th of October, re- The following letter, which I take signed at once, and clearly stated the from the COURIER of Tuesday last, bereasons, clearly described the obstacle, longs to this subject. It is a most eloto the people, never should we have quent call on the people TO ARM. heard of the sad affair at Bristol, or of It is a piece of very able writing; but, any of the affairs in any other part of which is more, it comes from a paper the kingdom, which have so alarmed well known to be the mouth-piece of and terrified people of property. It is the Ministry. the state of uncertainty in which the people are that is the real cause of all the violence; the uncertainty in which the people are, not with regard to the will and wishes of Lord GREY, but with regard to his intentions; with regard

Sir, I perceive you are averse from a general arming of the people. Allow me to state in a few words, for want of better arguments, why I am a dissentient from your doc

trine.

I take it for granted, ours is free state. At all events, we may consider it theoretically

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so, though, I believe, the ideas of Lord Cas-shooting at a mark? Do we despise, in the tlereagh had of it was, that it was constitu- pride of our modern perfection in the arts of tionally and essentially oligarchical, merely death, the simple but effective weapons of our checked and modified by the independent ancestors? Were there not the conquering habits of the people; for, in answer to the times of Cressy and Agincourt, and these the Deputies from Italy, he is reported to have sinewy instruments that illustrated them! said, that freedom here was verily a custom, And do the rays of those crowns of glory beam and not one of the best we had. Well, taking with less lustre than those of Blenheim and it to be free, (and if the presumption be in- Waterloo? or do they not rather, in their podeed an error, it is at least sanctioned by all litical consequences, throw a brighter refulconstitutional writers, without exception,) I gence on the historical scroll than these ever defy you to select any other free state, either will? ancient or modern, in which there exists an actual prohibition from carrying arms; yet this I believe to be the case in this very paue-who, that is an Englishman, but felt conscious gyrized free state.

When incendiaries were hurling about the fiend-like brand of destruction, last winter,

of

that a moral degradation, proceed from what Now I confess I am an advocate for teaching cause soever it might, had reduced to an inthe people the use of arms. No nation can furiated Lazzaroni the British peasantry? possess high moral qualities without courage. When the leaders of itinerant mobs were That courage must be exercised according to seized without difficulty, and abandoned by the fashion that the changing modes of war- their dastardly followers without a struggle, fare may suggest, or it will grow obtuse and who but confessed that the sturdy character of rusty. It was remarked (by Lord Wellington, that most useful class of our countrymen had I think, but my memory is a porous one) as become deteriorated and lost? I own, I would a proof of a very bad state of society in Frauce, rather they had made an obstinate old Eugthat the people there were obliged each to lish opposition, even in a bad cause, than carry a musket in one hand, and his imple-resembled the boors of Russia, and the serfs ments of industry in the other. This, which of Hungary, in their vengeance and their he regarded as a very bad state of society, I cowardice. The conduct of the men regard as the very best. Let one hand guard, Merthyr-Tydvil refreshed and consoled me. I I say, the productions of the other. Woe to approve heartily of the energy of the Governthe state of which the sole defenders are mer- ment on that occasion; but I beg also to cenaries! I see no reason, either physical sympathise with the undaunted bearing of or moral, why the sword should not be laid these iron-men. upon the loont, and the same nerves clench In short, begging pardon for my diffusethe spear which welded the iron for its forma-ness, I think the exercise of arms would tend tion. Freemen should never give up the noble much to give a holder tone to society; to prerogative of self-defenceinspirit the milk-and-water courtesies, now With hearts resolved, and hands prepared, deemed polite, which are as pithless as they The blessings they enjoy to guard. are specious; to inspire a manly resolution and consistency, and to preserve effectually, not only from the actual contact of barbarian tyranny, but even from the more distant, but withering, influence of a Holy Alliance, an influence which, I fear, has already tarnished the balls, or blasted the strawberry leaves, of more than one English coronet.

Arts and manufactures, and the sedentary habits of life which they beget, are naturally enervating; and the only way to counteract and neutralize their influence in this respect is, by the exercise of arms, and of the livlier passions which they bring into play. Bring me an instance of an industrious people who Besides, somebody, and not a friend, has have been wholly kept from the use of war-contemplated an appeal to arms; else why the like instruments, who have not fallen a prey Tower-another citadel of another Antwerpeither to foreign invasion or domestic tyranny. put into a state of defence? Why Fort AuIs there a people more industrious, allowing gustus, or some other fort in Scotland, vicfor climate, than the Hindoos or the Chinese, tualled? Charles XII. instinctively put his in spite of it? Yet, the one nation has time hand to his sword in his dying moment; and immemorial been the spoil and slave of every corruption too, in her guilty agony, pointed subjugator; and the latter has long been to stronger circumvallations than Gatton and under the gentle, and therefore politic yoke Sarum, The anti-reformers have troops. of the Tartars, who easily subdued it~and They regard (though I am sure those indewhy? Because the former confined the use pendent fellows would soon belie their expecof arms to a particular caste; and the latter tations, were they called upon to act against neglected it altogether, trusting rather to stone the nation)-they regard the yeomanry walls and inauiinate fortresses, than to living their armed fendal followers. On the broad ramparts and iudomitable spirits. principle of political exp diency, I say, to arm one portion of the population against the other is most wicked, most tyranuous, and, in its ultimate consequences, as frelaud has proved, most anti-social. All should be armed, or none. I know the reimbodying of the yeo

Besides, in the good old times of England, was not every man a soldier? Was not a mulet inflicted upon every one who did not keep his trusty yew bow, and who was not, at least weekly, instructed in the practice of

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