bills, were all insufficient to check the tide of reform, resorted to that long and bloody war, the real object of which was

might not have known that you had the coat; and even if he had known it, he might, you having had the coat in your possession a long while, have said no-to keep down and to stifle the reformers thing about the matter, seeing that he in England, but which war (here, indeed, had been quiet upon the subject for so Lawyer CROKER, one may well "call long a time. This is your argument, o' God," and admire the way in which Lawyer Croker; this is the argument he inflicts justice) made the debt unof the whole of you: it is in the mouth bearable, and that unbearable debt is of every tax-eater, from yourself down to now producing reform, and urging men the draggle-tailed oily-tongued wife of to call for the abolition of the tithes ! the lowest clerk in the lowest of the During that long and bloody war, and offices established to uphold this system: the suspension of all liberty of the peoit is the argument of every scoundrel ple of England, the reformers were attorney, and of the wife of every made to be comparatively silent; scoundrel attorney, who has fattened by but still they were always active: the being the agent of the boroughmongers, question was always kept alive; and a and who sees in the Reform Bill some-session of Parliament never passed thing as hideous as the dreadful anticipa- without ten or more petitions for reform. tion which was presented to the mind of The war ended at last; but the burFALSTAFF when he thought that the black fly on Bardolph's nose was a black soul beckoning him to hell! This is your argument, which is directly contradicted by the notorious facts.

dens did not end. Distress spread itself all over the kingdom; and though there were quack remedies enough on foot, the sensible part of the nation saw no remedy but in a reform. And from the date of the peace to the year 1817, not a session passed without more than two hundred petitions for Parliamentary

For upwards of sixty years, the question of reform has been under discussion; the American war was ascribed by Major Cartwright and his col-reform. In 1817, a million and a half leagues, at the time, to the corrupt bo- of men petitioned for a Parliamentary rough system, and to the immense sums reform; they were abandoned by BURof money which, through the means of the DETT, who had been their great stimuboroughs, the boroughmongers sacked lator to petition, and the answer to their through the channels opened to them by petitions consisted of two bills, passed the war. Fifty-one years ago, or there- with speed indeed, and for both of which abouts, the Duke of Richmond actually Lawyer Croker voted, as did Peel's-Bill brought a bill into the House of Lords, Peel also; one of which bills took away to destroy the whole of the villanous the liberty of the press, and the other of system. At about the same period, the which bills empowered Castlereagh and old Lord Chatham warned the Parlia- Sidmouth to imprison any man or woment, that, if it did not reform itself man that they pleased, in any jail or within, it would be reformed from with- dungeon that they pleased, without out with a vengeance; and a little after stating to any-body what they did it for; this time, his since-political-apostate son to let such persons out when they declared, that without a Parliamentary pleased, to keep them in the jails and reform no honest man could be a Minis- the dungeons as long as they pleased; ter in England; an assertion which he to refuse them, if they pleased, the use most amply verified by his afterwards of pen, ink, and paper, and also to rebeing the Minister for about fifteen or fuse them a sight of their parents, wives, sixteen years. Next came the years and children; and accordingly, the 1792, 1793, 1794, when the question of dungeons resounded with their groans. reform was agitated much more than Not liking to be so situated theretofore; and when the political- preferring Long Island to a dangeon apostate Pitt, finding that gagging bills, of Sidmouth, I took myself thither, dungeon bills, power-of-imprisonment whence I reached the old fellow with my

long arm, and whence I, joining with my brother reformers left in England, sent the honourable concern at Westminster my petitions for reform. From that time to the month of November in the last year, more and more numerous, extending to richer and richer classes of persons; more and more loud have been the petitions for Parliamentary reform, for an abolition of the accursed boroughs, and for greatly extending the suffrage, and greatly shortening the durations of Parliament.

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the oaf says to be true; admitting that this base reporther, who I dare say exists by sponging about, and picking up rewards for reporths of this kind; admitting even this to be true; allowing the audacious lie that the press stimulated the people of Bristol to bastinado, and even to murder, Wetherell; admit ting this atrocious lie to be a truth, what did the press do this FOR? Why, because Wetherell had done more than any other man to throw obloquy on the Reform Bill, and to stimulate the Lords to reject that bill. Therefore, it is still to the rejection of the bill that the tempest is to be ascribed.

Now, then, it being undeniable that both the immediate and the distant causes of the " tempest "are to be found in the refusal and rejection of reform, let us come back again to the epoch at which these Ministers came into power, and let us see what was the state of the country then! The fires had been blaz

How, then, Lawyer CROKER, can the "tempest" have been raised by these Ministers, who have been in office only thirteen months. You cannot deny that the tempest does not direct itself against them you cannot have the impudence to deny that the terrible affair at Bristol arose immediately out of the rejection of the Reform Bill. Stop, now, Lawyer CROKER. Will you say that you believe that WETHERELL would have been obliged to flee from the ing over the country for some time bench in disguise; that the bishop's when the Parliament met in October. palace would have been burned; that The Prime Minister took the earliest the bishops would have been burned in opportunity of proclaiming that no reeffigy; that the opposition lords would form was wanted, and that he never not have been able to go to their would consent to reform. The country country houses in safety? Will you was absolutely in a blaze of indignation. say, Lawyer CROKER, that you believe The King, who had accepted an invitathat these things would have been, if tation of the city of London to dine the Reform Bill had not been rejected? with the Lord Mayor, was compelled Tell me that, flat and plain; because, if to decline to fulfil the engagement, lest you will say that, I have done with he should thereby cause a spilling of the you. There is a reporther who, in a blood of his people. And have you publication which he puts forth, as forgotten, Lawyer CROKER, and has he has frequently put forth others, un- Peel's-Bill Peel also forgotten, that der the word "Hunt:" this base re- the Prime Minister was hooted and porther, this FOOL-LIAR, states that pelted and groaned at wherever he the violences at Bristol were occasioned went; that he could neither walk nor by the press, which the oaf-liar says, ride the streets in safety; that it was called upon the people of Bristol to impossible for him to remain in place "murder" WETHERELL. But, you, any longer without the risk of producLawyer CROKER, though you rail in ing general anarchy ? You will not goodly terms against the press, are not deny, Lawyer CROKER, that this was fool enough to say this: you are not the state of the country; that "this such a beastly oaf as to put forth a lie tempest" was raging, when the Minisso impudent as this. And, now, our ters came into power, and that they speaking of the press, and bringing in stilled that tempest; and how did they what you say with regard to it: admit- still it? Why, by explicitly declaring in ting, for argument's sake, that the press their places in Parliament, that they has had a great deal to do in raising had come in upon the express the "tempest ;" nay, admitting what that the King would allow them to pro

condition

pose a reform of the Parliament! Thus, until the pension, sinecure, grant, retiredclear as daylight is it, that the borough- allowance, and dead-weight lists, have mongers and their supporters, and not been made sheets of blank paper; and the Ministers, have raised this tempest; this I believe to be one of the great and thus you have received from me, subjects of your alarm, if your speech Lawyer CROKER, the answer which was such as it was given to us by the you ought to have received upon the jreporther, and on whose words I have spot from the Ministers themselves : commented not as having been uttered and, Lawyer CROKER, alarmed as you by you, but as a publication which he say you are, and as I believe you to be, has put forth under your name. Having and most justly alarmed too, I venture mentioned lists, I cannot help adverting to assure you that the reform will take to what the reporther puts forth under place in spite of your alarm and in spite the name of SCOTT ELDON, who, in this of every thing that you can do to pre-publication, is represented to have exvent the success of this great and con-pressed his uneasiness at a publication ciliatory measure.

LAWYER CROKER, another part of your speech tells us that this reform will not be large enough to satisfy the people, or, at any rate, large enough to satisfy the millions. Now, Lawyer, I do not take upon myself to say that it will be large enough to satisfy them; but I think I may venture to say that, if this reform be not large enough to satisfy them, they will not be satisfied with a reform that is smaller than this. I will further venture to say, that this reform would have satisfied them if it had been adopted at once, and had gone honestly into execution, without that viperous opposition that was made to it, and without that endless and bitter strife which taught the people to estimate the powerful motives of its opponents. I do not take upon me to say that the people will ever be brought back to that disposition to conciliate in which they

called the Black List. The following are the words attributed to SCOTT ELDON by this publication :

It was there stated

He could not here help expressing his surrise, that in the course of the last three months nothing had been said or done with respect to a publication called " The Black List." Was such a publication ever before suffered to pass without animadversion ? that he himself, ever since he had a seat in that House, had been receiving 54,0007. annually out of the taxes. He wished these Black-List people would tell him where he could get it. And then they said that a nephew of his-meaning a brot her of his-who was now eighty-seven years of age, and whom they

chose to call nephew, had 4,000l. a year out of the taxes; whereas, in reality, he had not one farthing out of the taxes. In the same manner, others of their Lordships had been represented as receiving millions from the taxes who did not receive one farthing from

them; and yet these things were suffered to pass without animadversion.

were in the first week of last March; and of this I am very sure, that, if the new bill withhold from them any part I know nothing of this Black List; which the former bill acknowledged to but I know of a BLACK BOOK, published be their right, they never will be in that by Mr. Effingham Wilson, at the Royal conciliating temper again; and that Exchange; and I know that, animadverchange after change must succeed, until sion, or not animadversion, and I know that will come which even your af-full well what ScorT ELDON means by frighted mind does not appear to an- animadversion; I know that England ticipate. never will know real peace again till that book be made blank paper.

I hope, but, what is more, I believe, that, if the same bill be passed, or a bill I should now come to the speech of acknowledging the right of suffrage Peel's-Bill Peel; and after that to equally extensive, all will yet be well; Lawyer CROKER'S Essay upon Irish but let me not flatter you, LAWYER Tithes; but, the latter subject is too CROKER, that perfect peace and har-important to be discussed by me to-day; mony will be restored to the country and of Peel's-Bill Peel's speech, I shall

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only notice what he says about the their progress; nay, they did invade dawnings of the revolution in France. France; and, thanks to the bravery of After speaking of what he calls the out- the French National Guard, they were rages in England, and comparing them defeated. Was the revolution over, then? to what he calls the reign of terror in" It was easy to pronounce the words, France, he asks whether similar results may not be the consequence in this country.

the revolution is over;" but the people saw that it was not over. All the blood that was shed in France fell upon the head of the royal family, the nobility, and the clergy, and their tax-eaters: their oppressions in the first place; their persevering opposition and treach ery in the next place, were the causes of the whole of that blood. I wonder why Peel's-Bill Peel, when he was tell

In saying this, I do not mean to confound the first seeds of revolution with the after progress of anarchy and blood; but what I do mean to do is to compare our first steps with those that took place in France, and to ask whether such things may not be the consequence of disturbing and unsettling men's minds? I have read that the National Con-ing us that in France, the priests and vention, before Marat had influence there, made a denunciation against Clubs (hear, hear), and that the same assembly, too, proclaimed death to the man who should propose an Agrarian law. I have read that when the King accepted the Constitution of 1791, he began in the words "La Revolution s'est fait,” thinking that he had then arrived at the termination of the Revolution. In those days the persons cried out against by the popular agitators were the priests and the aristocrats. In this country now it is the boroughmongers that

have to bear the burden.

aristocrats were the persons cried out against by the popular agitators; and that the persons cried out against by those agitators here are the boroughmongers; I wonder why Peel's-Bill Peel forgot to tell us that the clergy here also are cried out against by the agitators. Surely, Peel's-Bill Peel canhave come in for their share of the cry! not have forgotten yet, that the bishops He will find, I believe, before it be over, the tithes will be full as loudly complained against as rotten boroughs ever were; but upon that subject we shall have to speak more fully another time. I must now proceed with the speech, for the remainder of which I have very little room.

These are his words, at least such as they are given in the publication of the reporther. Now, Peel's-Bill Peel, hear me a bit. The revolution in France, as ARTHUR YOUNG and Doctor Moor will show you, arose out of the intolerable prevails in many parts of my dominions, and I deeply lament the distress which still oppressions of the nobility, the clergy, for which the preservation of peace both at and the taxing people. This you can-home and abroad will, under the blessing of not deny. The French proceeded at Divine Providence, afford the best and most first by fires privately set; then by fires openly set to gentlemen's houses by bands of men, armed with such weapons as they could collect. This was long before there was a national convention; and, as to the king thinking, when he signed the constitution, that the revolution was over, it was over provided he acted honestly: but there were his brothers and his cousins on the frontier, and other runaway Frenchmen, principally nobility and clergy, forming armies, and joining the open enemies of France to invade France, threatening to burn every town, and to put every man to death who opposed

position to adopt any practicable measures, effectual remedy; I feel assured of your diswhich you will always find me ready and anxious to assist, both for removing the causes

and mitigating the effects of the want of employment which the embarrassments of commerce, and the consequent interruption of the pursuits of industry, have occasioned.

The and and the both have no business here, and the and does mischief. Strange that the King should say, at the end of sixteen years of peace, that the preservation of peace will be the most effectual remedy for the distress. No, may it please your Majesty, the want of em

ployment does not arise from any emIn parts of Ireland a systematic opposition barrassment of commerce. It is found in has been made to the payment of tithes, atagriculture as well as in commerce; it tended in some instances with afflicting rearises from a transfer of property from sults; and it will be one of your first duties to farmers, manufacturers, and traders, to inquire whether it may not be possible to effect loanmongers, Jews, and other usurers, improvements in the laws respecting this subwho suck up the products of industryject, which may afford the necessary protection through the channels of taxation; and to the Established Church, and at the same this sucking up arises from the measure time remove the present causes of complaint. of that fine young statesman, Peel's- But in this and every other question affecting Bill Peel and this evil can never be Ireland, it is above all things necessary to look cured but by my thirteen Manchester to the best means of securing internal peace propositions. and order, which alone seem wanting to raise

It is with great concern that I have ob- a country, blessed by Providence with so many served the existence of a disease at Sunder-natural advantages, to a state of the greatest land, similar in its appearance and character prosperity.

to that which has existed in many parts of The and is again unnecessary, and Europe. Whether it is indigenous, or has the which has an equivocal reference. been imported from abroad, is a question in- The subject of this paragraph of the volved in much uncertainty, but its progress speech is important beyond description. bas neither been so extensive nor so fatal as In another Register I shall examine on the Continent. It is not, however, the less what Mr. STANLEY said upon the subject. necessary to use every precaution against the Here I have only room to observe, that further extension of this malady; and the it is utterly impossible to effect the two measures recommended by those who have objects propounded, if it be meant by had the best opportunity of observing it, as protection to the church, to take nothing most effective for this purpose, have been from that church. It is very true that adopted. no good is to be done to Ireland, nor to The is ought to have been be, and England either, without securing inthe has, have, according to common ternal peace and order; but, then, alas! sense as well as to the rules of that peace and order, in Ireland at any grammar. As to the subject-matter rate, are wholly incompatible with the of this part of the Speech, it gives existence of an establishment which has not the least alarm to us who have the kept that at once fine and miserable happiness to live in the city of London, country in a state of continual turmoil, seeing that we have "Charley " Pear-from the barbarous reign of Elizabeth to son, the chairman of our Committee of the present day.

Health, who sends us round his rescripts, The conduct of the Portuguese Governcommanding us to white-wash our ment, and the repeated injuries to which my houses, scour our water-courses, wash subjects have been exposed, have prevented a our hands and face, keep our persons renewal of my diplomatic relations with that clean, and to abstain from over-drink- kingdom. The state of a country so long ing, from keeping bad hours, and par-united with this by the ties of the most intiticularly from the use of ardent spirits to excess! Seeing "Charley" in correspondence with the Privy Council upon this subject, and perceiving that our paternal Lord Mayor has committed the keeping of our health to "Charley's care, for ourselves, we are perfectly at ease, but naturally entertain an anxious solicitude for our unfortunate fellowsubjects, on whom the Government and constituted authorities do not appear to have bestowed such peculiar care.

mate alliance must necessarily be to me an object of the deepest interest; and the return to Europe of the elder branch of the illustrious house of Braganza, and the dangers of a disputed succession, will require my most vigilant attention to events by which not only the safety of Portugal, but the general interests of Europe, may be affected.

The arrangement which I announced to you at the close of last session, for the separation of the States of Holland and Belgium, has been followed by a treaty between the five