assurance that nothing was farther from assures him that he did not mean to your object or wish than to impute to me confine the charge to him only. Did "individually any-thing improper; and that

"Sir,

"Your most obedient servant,

"GREY."

while you reserve to yourself the right ever libeller defend himself against a "(which it never could be my wish or inten- charge of defamation against A by al❝tion to dispute) of declaring yourself freely leging that he had made the same " on my public measures, you felt sincere charge against B, and did ever A express regret at any expression having given me himself satisfied, and at once drop the "unintentional pain.' "I shall feel it necessary, as was understood suit upon the making of such an allegabetween you and the Duke of Richmond, to tion by a libeller? But there is somegive publicity to the letter which I have re-thing so childish in all this; something ceived from you; and have the honour to be, so waspish and at the same time so incomprehensibly mild and dull, that, really, when one looks at the part which How sensitive we are become all of a Lord Grey has taken in it, and reflects sudden! And, how soon we are tran- that he is the Prime Minister, one quillized! Lord Grey is quite satisfied, cannot wonder at the state of confusion, when he finds that Mr. Drummond did suspense, and terror, in which the counnot mean to say any-thing against him try is now placed. That pretty gentleindividually; that is to say, in a state man, too, the DUKE OF RICHMOND, separate from all others. Not knowing might have been better employed than any-thing of the qualities of the mind of in the publishing of this puerile correpain, I cannot say "what intentional spondence. Much better, very much pain can mean;" but, knowing well better, for him to have been at the what individually means, and knowing General Post-Office, clearing up the that it means a thing or a person con- mysterious affair of my lost letter sidered in a state of existence separate from Farnham, which has never yet from all other persons and things, I per- been found, and for the loss of which ceive that this noble Lord's mind does I have never received the smallest not differ materially from that of a great intimation of an intention to give me many very vulgar persons, who think that any sort of redress! The letter was a disgrace, by being divided, becomes dimi- heavy one. It contained more than ten nished; and it is even said being hanged pages of writing, on quarto paper; the in company forms a sort of consolation postage would have been four or five to the worst of criminals. Mr. Drum-shillings; for the leaves were all sepamond does not say in plain terms that rated, and written upon only on one side. Lord Grey has "a fool's head, or traitor's Had the country post-master equivoheart;" but he says flat and plain that cated, the loss of the letter might have Lords Grey and Brougham are "profli- been imputed to him, or it might have gate politicians." It is not "indi- been doubted whether it was put into vidually," that he characterizes Lord the post-office at Farnham. But, for Grey; but, he calls two men profligate politicians, and he names the two men; consequently he calls each of them a profligate politician. TREVOR, one GORDON, and the LIAR, ascribed certain conduct, ascribed blasphemy indeed to COBBETT, CARLILE, and TAYLOR, which was accusing me of blasphemy; but not me any more than the other two. Mr. Drummond says in fact, that Lord Grey is a profligate politician. He says the same of the Scotchman at the same time, to be sure; but he says this of Lord Grey, whose taste makes him perfectly satisfied, when Mr. Drummond

the credit of the General Post-office, it unfortunately happened, that the postmaster at Farnham received the letter from my son in the presence of a gentleman of that town, which latter, upon receiving a letter from me, complaining of the loss, went to the post-master, who, in the presence of another witness, acknowledged that he had received the letter at the time specified, and declared that he and his wife were both ready to make oath that it was duly put into the bag. Therefore, it is certain that the letter came to the General Post-office in London, and we have proof upon proof,

that it was not delivered at Bolt-court, on trade, and, above all, by taking effectual to which place it was directed. There measures to liquidate the public debt." What were my printers waiting the arrival of the paper currency, we know not, and thereMr. Drummond means by fixing the amount of the postman. Then at last something fore we pass over this specific. But with reelse was obliged to be got to fill up the spect to the other specifics, which may be Register; there were my readers all over summed up briefly in the words relief from the country disappointed, the Register Drummond have the hardihood to contend taxation, and from monopolies, will Mr. coming out too late to be sent by the that an unreformed Parliament would ever post that evening; and what was their have consented to them? The great argument surprise at seeing a long article break off for a reform of Parliament is, that those who in the middle! Better, I say, much better voted the taxes had an interest in increasing, instead of diminishing the expenditure. The for this Duke of Richmond to be em- object for which the boroughmongers combat ployed in giving me suitable redress for Reform is, that they may retain possession of this great injury, and in adopting regu- the power of sharing among themselves the lations to prevent the same in future, property of the nation, by means of the very than in carrying messages from the at-wishes to dry up. Is it not known to every channels of expenditure which Mr. Drummond once waspish and gentle Prime Minister, tyro in English history, that ever since the and publishing a correspondence of compact entered into between the Crown and which a couple of drapers' shopmen the aristocracy, at the so-called Revolution of 1688, the Parliament, which was honest so ought to be ashamed. But, now we long as the Crown contended for the suprecome to matter worthy of the attention macy, became itself corrupted, and that boof folks that are grown up; namely, to roughmongery has grown with the growth of the commentary of Doctor Black on the the taxes? To expect that an unreformed letter of Mr. Drummond. The Doctor which Reform is opposed, if the expectation be Parliament should destroy that for the sake of and I are getting together by the ears not assumed, betrays an inability to reason again! I disagree with him upon the approaching to fatuousness. But Mr. D. is subject of arming the rich against the obliged to close his catalogue of specifics with poor, one of his objects in which seems the House of Commons, as efficacious as that the admission of a necessity for a Reform of to be to compel the poor to have the now proposed, though that efficacious Reform dead bodies of their relations sold to the is to be, it seems, not revolutionary-that carcass butchers, that buy them for the is, is to have all existing interests unaffected, purpose of cutting them up, or rather and consequently the interests of the boroughmongers. sold to the cutting butchers, by the carcass butchers. I detest the Doctor for this, and shall undoctor him, if he do not take care; but I have now to remark upon his commentary on the letter of Mr. Drummond.

do the

The Doctor does not deal fairly with Mr. Drummond. Mr. Drummond's specifics would be quite sufficient; for he proposes a disbanding of the standing army, in which he, of course, includes the dead-weight; and he Mr. Henry Drummond, for an honest man, proposes a paper money to be made seems to have a wonderful aptitude in imbibing the tactics of a dishonest school, Thea legal tender, which, indeed, would working classes are, no doubt, as he says, oppressed to a degree almost past further endurance; and the Reform Bill, certainly, will not give them immediate relief. But the formidable obstacles in the way of their obtaining relief."Relief," says Mr. D., " is only to be obtained by the repeal of taxes on articles used for private consumption by laying on a graduated property-tax-by fixing the amount of a paper currency by act of Parliament, and making it a legal tender-by disbanding the whole standing army, excepting the household troops and the artillery, and substituting fencibles and a militia-by enacting poor-laws for Ireland-by repealing the corn laws, and all monopolies and restrictions

Reform Bill will remove some of the most

whole thing at once, and this is precisely the thing which the Doctor says he does not understand. If he do not, I do: and, whatever Mr. Drummond's intention may be, most assuredly this part of his plan would not only pay off the debt, but would rectify every abuse in the course of a few weeks; whether Mr. Drummond means this or not, I cannot be certain; but certain I am that paper money, made a legal tender, would blow up the whole system at once, and leave us to choose another in its stead, which we

should, I dare say, contrive to make a mination, so that when one said Charley great deal cheaper than this. It is not in the city, it was quite unnecessary to many years ago since JOHN REEVES was add Pearson: about a year ago the prosecuted, by order of the House of Charley, being a Common-Councilman, Commons, for calling in question the and, of course, a colleague of the stablewisdom of the glorious Revolution of man in Fetter-lane, who, till I quitted 1688, at which the Doctor now sneers his stables, had at once the occasional with as much contempt as he sneers at care of my horse, and was my represen the sacredness of the sepulchre when the tative in the city of London House of dead bodies of the poor are in question. Commons. About a year ago, I say, The truth is, that we now never hear the famous Charley made a motion of the word " glorious" pronounced, in this little House of Commons, to before that revolution. It was I, by characterize which justly, to do full my History of the Protestant Refor-justice to it, I defy the pen and mnation (which the Doctor called "pig's tongue of mortal man: in this House meat"), and which all the nations in the of Commons, the Charley (from some world have been devouring from that quite sufficient motive, I dare say), just day to this, thereby proving that men after he came from Preston, where he and women are only two-legged swine. had been participating (as Mr. Mitchell It was I who shamed the nation, who now tells us) in the pleasure of hearing fairly cudgeled it out of its stupid praises the Cock crow, and after he had been of the Whig revolution. Some months and promised the people of Bolton that ago, sitting in a room which looked out he would do them the honour to repreupon the MONUMENT, on the base of sent them in a reformed parliament; which were the infamous words accusing just after his return, the Charley made the Catholics of having set fire to the a motion in the little House of Comcity of London, and seeing a scaffolding mons in the City, of which he is a nost around that base, and some stone-masons worthy member; he made a motion for at work with their mallets and chisels, the effacing of the aforesaid inscription I asked my friend, who was sitting at from the Monument, and the speech the window with me, what those men which he made, in introducing the mowere doing. He told me they were tion, consisted of the aforesaid paragraph chiselling off the letters charging the of the History of the Protestant ReCatholics with having fired the city. formation, garnished at head and foot My God! exclaimed I to myself, I set by an abundant supply of that species even these city creatures to work, and, of oratory for which the Charley is so in spite of nature, make them act justly! famous, and which gives such delight The History of the matter is this: In my to the butchers' boys. The orator prehistory of the PROTESTANT REFORMA- vailed, the motion was carried unaniTION (which the sour Doctor Black mously, and thus was this act of justice called PIG'S MEAT), Volume I, para-ordered to be done! Amongst his nu graph 370, I gave the history, and merous virtues, Charley, it must be exposed the infamy, the base and cow-confessed, has his faults, amongst which ardly injustice, of this inscription. is an itching palm for other people's About a year ago, the renowned CHARLEY goods; literary goods I mean, to take PEARSON, whose surname, however, it which without the owner's leave is, in is superfluous to add; "this CHAIRMAN the language of literary courtesy, called of the Committee of Health," and cor- plagiarism. Only a few weeks ago, the respondent of the Whig Privy-Coun- Charley, in making a speech against cil, having made himself so famous as Waithman, compared his sham-retireto be, like sovereign princes, called ment of some years ago to the consolely by his first name, and that name duct of a POPE, who shammed illness having, from the affection which his and approaching death, but who, the conduct so naturally excited, been made moment he was proclaimed Pope, flung to take the friendly and fraternal ter-away his crutch, and became more

vigorous than ever. The Charley has a good memory, for he went some years back to take this piece of history from the Register, where, too, I had applied it to this very Waithman. There was, however, one little thing which the Charley had forgotten, namely, the name of the Pope, whom he called Gregory, when I had called him SIXTUS the Fifth. From this digression, into which I had been involuntarily led by the rare endowments and exploits of the Charley, I return to remind the reader that not, until of very late years, till since the publication of Paper against Gold, was the Whig revolution of 1688 ever spoken of but with admiration. Nobody ever speaks of it now but as of a boroughmongering trick played upon the nation, and as the radical cause of our debts and of all our sufferings. Doctor Black sneers at it, and contempt and hatred are the feelings which the mention of it always excite; and again, I say that it was I who shamed the nation into this way of thinking. We will now return to the Doctor and his commentary on the letter of Mr. Drummond.

those to whom the suffrage is to be given by the Reform Bill, thereby to defeat reform alto

not dream.

gether; for he knows well that if it is with difficulty that Ministers can carry the present bill, it would be utterly impossible for them, or any other Ministry, to carry, by constitutional means, a more extensive reform. But let not Mr. Drummoud and his brother AntiReformers push this Machiavelism too far. They cannot now prevent reform; but by endeavouring to inflame the animosity of the working classes, they may create a confusion which may end in results of which they do mences, that of law is at an end; and if they When the reign of violence comconsult history, they will find that property is entirely the creature of law, and that when the bonds of law are loosened, a quondam rich man has no more than what he can pick up in the general scramble. We warn all these rich men, who play the demagogue by way of finesse, that if they succeed in throwing the to repent of it. It may not be in their power to masses into movement, they will be the firstarrest the movement when they want to do so. And what does he mean by a reform which should allow political power to remain to the aristocracy, and not giving it to the delegates mean that the aristocracy shall dispose of the of the middling classes? He must either property of the nation without responsibility, or he means nothing. They who control the expenditure of the nation, must either return themselves, or be returned by others. If they return themselves, they are of course responsible. If they are returned by others, they But let us see what Mr. Drummond means must be returned by a body sufficiently rich. by an efficacious reform: "I wish (he says) and sufficiently numerous to be identified in political power to remain with the aristoc- interests with the nation. They to whom "racy, because by such means alone cau the the suffrage is given by the Reform Bill, "monarchy exist; if that power is to be trans- are sufficiently rich and sufficiently nume"ferred to another class, it is revolution; to rous to be identified in interest with the "give that power to all classes, bas justice nation. We are not of the number of those "and consistency; to give it to oue only, has who think that any great danger would "neither." Here the cloven foot appears. arise from a still greater extension of the Mr. Drummond knows well enough that the suffrage, and we believe that any immediate very aristocracy under whose banner he fights evil which might be occasioned by an inhave opposed the Reform Bill chiefly on the judicious exercise of the suffrage, would be ground of its giving the suffrage to all classes. more than compensated for by the motive They, like Mr. Drummond, would have no which it would give to the rich to instruct the objection to allow the suffrage to be possessed poor, that the suffrage might be exercised by potwalloping paupers in venal boroughs; judiciously. But we know that fears are enand they raised a cry, as he does now, against tertained on this subject, and knowing also the hardship of depriving poor people of their that under the Reform Bill the suffrage franchise; with the interested view of enlist-is communicated to a body too rich and too ing the poor people to support a system which, numerous to be bribed, and which is identified at the expense of the degradation of a part of in interest with the nation, we think the their number, enabled the aristocracy to dip question of greater extension of suffrage is not deep into the property of the whole nation, one on which reformers ought to quarrel, and thus contribute to the distress of the seeing that all which can be done by a repreworking classes in general. Mr. Henry sentation chosen under a more extended sufDrummoud-Saint as he is-is, we suspect, frage, will and must be done by a represenas familiar with Machiavel as with the Evan-tation chosen under the Reform Bill. The gelists. He knows very well that no Minister aristocracy is not identified with the nation, of this country can possibly carry a reform which should give a suffrage to all classes. He throws out this lure, therefore, to the working classes, in order to array them against

either in regard to property or numbers, and the allowing uncontrolled power to remain with the aristocracy, is to allow power to remain with those who have au interest in abus

ing it, to the prejudice of the nation. But the that the suffrage, appointed by that bill, middle classes mean all who possess property, is to be less extensive than it was before; except the few who, though possessing indi

vidually large properties, possess but a small and if this be the case, then I say that share of the property of the nation. The Mr.Drummond is right, and that I prefer middle classes, therefore, are interested in ob- things to remain just as they are, rather taining all that benefits the nation, and pre- than to see the country delivered over to venting all that injures the nation. Whatever affects them affects the working classes. They a damned aristocracy of money, which, are the great accumulators of capital; aud as besides its injustice, besides the endless they are thriving or suffering, the working and remorseless oppressions that it must classes thrive or suffer. The whole, therefore, engender, must lead to open war between of what Mr. Drummond says, respecting the transference of power from the aristocracy to the rich and the working people. the delegates of the middling classes, is a poor, paltry piece of sophistry. The aristoracy will retain all the power that any man ought to have, the power of legislating, subject to a responsibility to those whose weal or woe is affected by their legislature. Rich men will in general be chosen to represent the people; but it will be rich men less able to do good, and deprived of the power to do harm. It will be the wolf without his teeth. There is no way of leaving power to the aristocracy, without responsibility to either the middling classes or to all classes, which shall not be liable to gross abuse. There is no principle better established than that, if we wish to guard against abuse-they who pay the taxes should choose those who have the disposal of

them.

The doctor is very much deceived, if he believes, that the "great accumulators of property" have interests identified with those of the working-people. The doctor has forgotten the combination-laws, which severely punished the bodies of working-men for combining, and made it compulsory on them to impeach their comrades on oath, if called upon so to do, while those laws inflicted only a slight fine on the "accumulators," and imposed on them no oath for the accusation of one another, in case of their combining against the workmen. The interests are not suffiNow, though Mr. Drummond is ciently identified to make the master a wrong in wishing all political power to good voter for the man; and the Docremain with the aristocracy, the Doctor tor may be well assured, that, if votes is equally wrong in what he says upon were given only to the "accumulators," the subject. Mr. Drummond says, give and if such a Parliament could exist the suffrage to all or leave it where it is. for any length of time, monopoly on I should have said the same from the the one hand, and degradation and starbeginning, had I not seen in the ten-vation on the other, would become pound voters, in great towns, the means more hideous than they are now. of putting in from fifty to a hundred working people can never have their members; by the voice of the working interests attended to; can never be people. This was not enough to con- fairly treated, till they have the choostent me, and I always said so; but, as ing of members themselves. Enough of the rotten boroughs were all to be disfran- them, to have spoken the voice of the chised, and as the working people were whole of them, would be the case, if to have the sending of these members every man in the great towns renting a to Parliament, I was willing to take the house at the rate of ten pounds a year had bill as it stood, and to give it a fair a vote; but this is what I believe neither trial, and this I say still. The Doctor party intend they shall have; I believe says, that the greater extent of suffrage that both parties mean to support the is not worth quarrelling about. No, bill, as far as it goes to take away the provided all the rest of the bill be car- right of voting from the working peoried into full effect; but, while the ple, and to give the right of voting to Doctor is arguing with Mr. Drummond, no one working man; and I agree with upon the assumption that it is still the Mr. Drummond, that this would be takbill, and the whole bill, which is again ing away power from the aristocracy to be proposed, he gives us pretty" to give it to delegates of the middle "to plainly to understand, that the whole" class, and thereby really convert the bill is not again to be proposed; and" monarchy into a bad Republic;" but I

The