evening, in reference to the financial condition of the city, but the movement has my cordial concurrence. The disclosures which have been made show that the municipal treasury has been plundered to an extent and in a manner unparalleled in the history of popular government. Such a perversion and currupt use of powers would, under a despotic system, lead to revolu tion, and would justify revolution under any system which should be found not to contain within itself the means of redress. It is a duty above all party considerations to probe the iniquity to the core. No intelligent man can doubt, and no fair man will deny, that millions have been fraudulently paid out of the treasury, and if individuals belonging to both the great political parties shall be found to have participated in the frauds, each should be more anxious than the other to expose and renounce the unworthy fol lowers who have dishonored it. The wrong to be redressed is not to the tax payers alone, whose contributions, wrung years ago from the earnings and hard industry, are thus squandered; there is a wrong to the city as a corporation, by impairing and threatening to destroy its credit. It is vain to point to the value of our parks and public buildings as ample security for the payment of our debts, unless capitalists have further assurance that the city government is honest and prudent. No man will lend money unless he has confidence in the integrity of the borrower. There is a further and a deeper wrong to popular government which cannot be upheld for any length of time, if such frauds can be perpetrated with impunity. Free insti

tutions do not always secure perfect purity of administration, but if they shall be found not to have the sufficient force of protecting those who live under them from plunder, one of the chief motives for maintaining them will be lost. If, in this contest against venality and public abuse, any co-operation which it is in my power to lend will be of any value, it shall be freely given, as a duty which every good citizen owes to his country and to himself."

Among the resolutions adopted, there was one which put into form the sense of the meeting, and provided for systematic work on the part of the citizens against the officeholders. It provided that "an Executive Committee of seventy members be appointed by the President of this meeting, whose duty will be to take such measures as shall be necessary or expedient to carry out the objects for which we are assembled; to demand a full exhibition of all the accounts of the city and county, and an explicit statement of all the persons to whom and the pretences upon which the large payments of the past two years and a half have been made; to enforce any remedies which now exist to obtain this information if it is refused, and to recover whatever sums of money have been fraudulently or feloniously abstracted; and also to press upon the Legislature and the Governor of the State such measures of legislation and action as may be necessary or proper to enforce the existing laws, and to supply their defects, and to remove the causes of the present abuses, and finally, to assist, sustain and direct a united effort by the citizens of New York, without

reference to party, to obtain a good government and honest officers to administer it. And the said committee are hereby authorized to call upon all citizens interested in good government to contribute such funds as may be needed to execute the powers intrusted to them, and also to fill vacancies and add to their number.'

This committee, which' was known as the "Committee of Seventy," met, organized and determined on a plan of action. Meanwhile a citizen petitioned the court, and obtained an injunction against Tweed, Hall, Connolly and Sweeney, restraining them from using the public money and from the payment of all bills except wages to the laboring men employed on the public works.

As soon as the Committee of Seventy had fully matured a line of policy, suits were instituted against all the "Tammany chiefs in office." Warrants were issued for the arrest of the four members of the " "great quartette." Hall and Sweeney gave bonds promptly and were released on bail. Tweed skulked about the city, from one hiding place to another to avoid arrest ; after weeks of misery, fear and exile he finally surrendered himself to the sheriff, and finally succeeded in giving the required bonds for his appearance. Poor Connolly," Slippery Dick," was lodged in jail and held there several weeks, when his friends also succeeded in procuring his release.

The "grand inquest for the county of New York found true bills" against all of the accused officeholders and returned them to be tried before juries of