differed as to the propriety of the particular acts of the latter, they were agreed upon the general principles which regulate the relations of ministers to the Crown. These events exemplify the effective control which the Crown constitutionally exercises in the government of the country. The policy and conduct of its ministers are subject to its active supervision. In minor affairs the ministers have a separate discretion, in their several departments; but in the general acts of the government, the Crown is to be consulted, and has a control over them all. the influence of the Crown, in the present From this time no question has arisen concerning Wise use of the exercise of the prerogatives or influence of the Crown, which calls for notice. Both have been exercised wisely, justly, and in the true spirit of the consti- reign. tution. Ministers, enjoying the confidence of Parliament, have never claimed in vain the confidence of the Crown. Their measures have not been thwarted by secret influence, and irresponsible advice. Their policy has been directed by Parliament and public opinion, and not by the will of the sovereign, or the intrigues of the court. Vast as is the power of the Crown, it has been exercised, throughout the present reign, by the advice of responsible ministers, in a constitutional manner, and for legitimate objects. It has been held in trust, as it were, for the benefit of the people. Hence it has ceased to excite either the jealousy of rival parties, or popular discontents. This judicious exercise of the royal authority, while it has conduced to the good government of the state, has sustained the moral influence of the Crown; and the devoted loyalty of a free people, which her Majesty's personal virtues have merited, has never been disturbed by the voice of faction. General increase of the influ Crown. But while the influence of the Crown in the government of the country, has been gradually brought into ence of the subordination to Parliament and public opinion, the same causes, which, for more than a century and a half, contributed to its enlargement, have never ceased to add to its greatness. The national expenditure and public establishments have been increased to an extent which alarms financiers; armies and navies have been maintained, such as at no former period had been endured in time of peace. Our colonies have expanded into a vast and populous empire; and her Majesty, invested with the sovereignty of the East Indies, now rules over two hundred millions of Asiatic subjects. Governors, commanders-in-chief, and bishops attest her supremacy in all parts of the world; and the greatness of the British empire, while it has redounded to the glory of England, has widely extended the influence of the Crown. As that influence, constitutionally exercised, has ceased to be regarded with jealousy, its continued enlargement has been watched by Parliament without any of those efforts to restrain it, which marked the parliamentary history of the eighteenth century. On the contrary, Parliament has met the increasing demands of a community rapidly advancing in population and wealth, by constant additions to the power and patronage of the Crown. The judicial establishments of the country have been extended, by the appointment of more judges in the superior courts, by a large staff of county court judges, with local jurisdiction,—and by numerous stipendiary magistrates. Offices and commissions have been multiplied, for various public purposes ; and all these appointments proceed from the same high source of patronage and preferment. Parliament has wisely excluded all these officers, with a few neces sary exceptions, from the privilege of sitting in the House of Commons; but otherwise these extensive means of influence have been entrusted to the executive government, without any apprehension that they will be perverted to uses injurious to the freedom, or public interests of the country. influence of lies. The history of the influence of the Crown has now Continued been sketched, for a period of one hundred years. We great famihave seen George III. jealous of the great Whig families, and wresting power out of the hands of his ministers: we have seen ministers becoming more accountable to Parliament, and less dependent upon the Crown; but, as in the commencement of this period, a few great families commanded the support of Parliament, and engrossed all the power of the state,- so under a more free representation, and more extended responsibilities, do we see nearly the same families still in the ascendant. Deprived in great measure of their direct influence over Parliament, their general weight in the country, and in the councils of the state, has suffered little diminution. Notwithstanding the more democratic tendencies of later times, rank and station have still retained the respect and confidence of the people. When the aristocracy have enjoyed too exclusive an influence in the government, they have aroused jealousies and hostility; but when duly sharing power with other classes, and admitting the just claims of talent, they have prevailed over every rival and adverse interest; and, whatever party has been in power, have still been the rulers of the state. In a society comprising so many classes as that of England, the highest are willingly accepted as governors, when their personal qualities are not unequal to their position. They excite less jealousy than abler men of inferior social pretensions, who climb to power. Born and nurtured to influence, they have studied how to maintain it. That they have maintained it so well, against the encroachments of wealth, -an expanding society, and popular influences, is mainly due to their progressive policy. As they have been ready to advance with their age, the people have been content to acknowledge them as leaders; but had they endeavoured to stem the tide of public opinion, they would have been swept aside, while men from other classes advanced to power. 139 CHAP. III. THE PREROGATIVES OF THE CROWN, DURING THE MINORITY OR INCAPACITY tives of the WE have seen the prerogatives of the Crown wielded Prerogain the plenitude of kingly power. Let us now turn Crown in aside for awhile, and view them as they lay inert in abeyance. the powerless hands of a stricken king. The melancholy illnesses of George III., at different periods of his reign, involved political considerations of the highest importance, affecting the prerogatives of the Crown, the rights of the royal family, the duties of ministers, and the authority of Parliament. The king was seized by the first of these attacks in 1765. Though a young man, in the full vigour of life, he exhibited those symptoms of mental disorder, which were afterwards more seriously developed. But the knowledge of this melancholy circumstance was confined to his own family, and personal attendants.' This illness, however, had been in other respects so alarming, that it led the king to consider the necessity of providing for a regency, in case of his death. The laws of England recognise no incapacity in the sovereign, by reason of nonage; and have made no provision for the guardianship of a king, or for the government of his 'Grenville Papers, iii. 122; Adol- terly Review, lxvi. 240, by Mr. phus's History ì. 175, n.; Quar- Croker. First ill ness of Geo. III. in 1765. |