adopt and carry into execution, measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation, without lodging, somewhere, a power which will pervade the whole Inion in as energetic a manner, as the authority of the state governm extends over the several states. To be fearful of investing Congr constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purpose ›, pears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? By the rotation of appointments, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were not possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their popularity and future election? We must take human nature as we find it; perfection falls not to the share of mortals. "What then is to be done? Things cannot go on in the same strain forever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with these circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme to another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies, would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. "What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing! I am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking: thence to acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous ! What a triumph for our enemies, to verify their predictions! What a triumph for the advocates of despotism, to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems, founded on the basis of equal liberty, are merely ideal and fallacious. Would to God that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend. "Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on the sea of troubles. Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. They have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in a most solemn manner. I then, perhaps, had some claims to public attention. I consider myself as having none at present." Illumination on the subject of enlarging the powers of Congress was gradual. A convention of delegates from the several states was proposed, for the purpose of remodelling the terms of the confederation. This convention met in Philadelphia in May, and unanimously chose George Washington their President. On the seventeenth of September, 1787, they closed their labors, and submitted the result to Congress, with the opinion that it should be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature, for its assent and ratification, The constitution being accepted by eleven of the states, and measures being taken for carrying it into execution, all eyes were turned towards Washington as the most suitable person to be President of the United States. He was then fifty-seven years of age, and in the full enjoyment of health and vigor. It would appear, however, from numerous letters written about this period, that the return into public life was to him a source of anxiety and trouble which he would gladly have avoided. He was fond of retirement and private life. "Every personal consideration," he observed in a letter to General Lincoln, "conspires to rivet me to retirement. At my time of life, and under my circumstances, nothing in this world can ever draw me from it, unless it be a conviction that the partiality of my countrymen had made my services absolutely necessary, joined to a fear that my refusal might induce a belief that I preferred the conservation of my own reputation and private ease to the good of my country. After all, if I should conceive myself in a manner constrained to accept, I call Heaven to witness that this very act would be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings and wishes that I have ever been called upon to make. It would be to forego repose and domestic enjoyment, for trouble, perhaps for public obloquy; for I should consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side with clouds and darkness." Before the election came on, the expectation of Washington's appointment was so universal, that numerous applications were made to him for the offices of government which would be in his gift. Contemptible as such applications must always be, Washington condescended to notice them with a dignified refusal. To one applicant he wrote as follows: "Should it become absolutely necessary for me to occupy the situation in which your letter presupposes me, I have determined to go into it perfectly free from all engagements of every nature whatsoever. A conduct in conformity to this resolution would enable me, in balancing the various pretensions of different candidates for appointments, to act with a sole reference to justice and the public good. This is in substance the answer that I have given to all applications (and they are not few) which have already been made." The official announcement of his election to the Presidency was made to General Washington on the fourteenth of April, 1789. On the second day after receiving this notice, Washington set out for New-York. The road was thronged with numbers anxious to gaze upon the hero of the revolution, and the man of the people's choice. Escorts of the militia and of gentlemen of the highest rank and character attended him from state to state, and he was every where received with the highest honors. Gray's bridge over the Schuylkill was beautifully decorated for his passage with laurels and evergreens. At each end of it splendid arches were erected, composed of laurels, and on each side was a laurel shrubbery. As Washington passed the bridge, a boy from above dropped a crown of laurel upon his brows. An immense throng of citizens lined the road from the Schuylkill to Philadelphia. Through these he was conducted to the city. An elegant entertainment was there provided, and was succeeded in the evening by a display of fireworks. When Washington crossed the Delaware and landed on the Jersey shore, he was saluted with three cheers by the assembled inhabitants. When he came to the brow of the hill on his way to Trenton, he again passed through a triumphal arch ornametned with laurels and flowers. On the crown of it was displayed, in large characters, "December twenty-sixth, 1776." On the sweep of the arch beneath was inscribed, "The Defender of the Mothers will also protect the Daughters." On the north side he was met by a number of female children, dressed in white, with baskets of flowers on their arms and garlands on their heads. In the second row stood the young women, and behind them the married ladies, of the vicinity. As he passed the arch, the children began to sing the following ode. "Welcome, mighty Chief! once more Now no mercenary foe Aims again the fatal blow, Aims at thee the fatal blow. Virgins fair, and matrons grave, These thy conquering arm did save,- While singing the last lines, they strewed the flowers in the path of their great deliverer. How different his feelings from those experienced a few years before upon the same spot! Then all was depression and sadness-now, all joy and triumph. He was rowed across the bay to New-York by thirteen pilots in an elegant barge. All the vessels in the harbor hoisted their flags. On his landing, he was received and congratulated by the governor of the state and officers of the corporation. He was conducted to the house which had been prepared for his reception, followed by a procession of militia in their uniforms, and a large number of citizens. In the evening the houses of the inhabitants were brilliantly illuminated. A day was fixed, soon after his arrival, for his taking the oath of office. It was in the following words: "I do solemnly swear, that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States; and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States.' On this occasion he was wholly clothed in garments of American manufacture. In the morning, the different congregations assembled in their respective places of worship, and offered up prayers for the President and people of the United States. About noon, a procession moved from the President's house to Federal Hall. When they came within a short distance of the hall, the troops formed a line on both sides of the way, through which, accompanied by the Vice-President, Mr. John Adams, Washington passed into the senate chamber. Immediately after, with the two houses of Congress, he went into a gallery fronting on Broadstreet, and, before an immense throng of citizens, took the oath prescribed by the constitution. It was administered by Mr. Livingston, the chancellor of the state of New-York. A solemn silence prevailed during the ceremony. The chancellor then proclaimed him President of the United States. This was answered by the discharge of cannon, and the joyful shouts of assembled thousands. The President bowed most respectfully to the people, and retired to the senate chamber in the midst of their acclamations. A After delivering an address to Congress and receiving their reply, the President attended divine service in their company. In the evening there was a very ingenious and brilliant exhibition of fireworks. transparent painting was displayed, in the centre of which was the portrait of the President, represented under the image of Fortitude. On his right hand was Justice, and on his left Wisdom; emblematic of the Senate and House of Representatives. Thus concluded the ceremonies of the first presidential inauguration. When Washington commenced his administration, the situation of the United States was highly critical. There were no funds in the treasury, and large debts were due upon every side. The party in opposition to the new constitution was numerous, and several members of this party had been elected to seats in the new Congress. Two of the states for a while refused to accept the constitution, and were, consequently, beyond the reach of its power. The relations of the general government with foreign nations were very unsettled. Animosities raged with considerable violence between the United States and Great Britain. Each charged the other with a violation of the late treaty of peace. Difficulties occurred with Spain in respect to the navigation of the Mississippi, and the boundaries of the states towards the Spanish territories in the South. Fifteen hundred of the northern Indians were at open war with the United States; the Creeks in the southwest, who could bring six thousand fighting men into the field, were at war with Georgia. Congress having organized the great departments of government, it became the duty of the President to designate proper persons to fill them. Washington looked round with care and impartiality to fill these posts to his own satisfaction, and to that of the people. He accordingly placed Colonel Hamilton at the head of the Treasury department; General Knox in the department of War; Mr. Jefferson at the head of the department of Foreign Affairs; and Mr. Edmund Randolph in the office of Attorney General. It was among the first measures of Washington to make peace with the Indians, and commissioners were appointed for this purpose. General Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and Colonel.Humphreys, were deputed to treat with the Creek nation. They met M'Gillivray, their chief, with other chiefs, and about two thousand of the tribe, at Rock Landing, on the Oconee, on the frontiers of Georgia. The negotiation was suddenly broken off by M'Gillivray, on the pretence of a dispute about the boundaries, but in reality, through the influence of the Spanish government. A second mission proved more successful. A number of the Creek chiefs were induced to visit New-York, where a conference was held, and a treaty soon established. The attempt to effect a peace with the Indians of the Wabash and the Miamies, did not terminate with like success. In consequence of this, the President, in September, 1791, despatched General Harmer into the Indian territories, with orders to destroy their settlements on the waters of the Scioto and Wabash. This general was defeated, as was also Major General St. Clair. The final conquest of these tribes was effected in 1794, by General Wayne; and soon after that event, a peace was concluded between the Indians and the United States. By skilful and prudent management, all the difficulties with Spain were amicably settled; but much greater difficulties stood in the way of a peacefur adjustment of controversies with Great Britain. In the first years of his Presidency, Washington took informal measures to ascertain the views of the British cabinet respecting the United States. This business was intrusted to Mr. Governeur Morris, who conducted it with great ability, but found no disposition to accede to the wishes of our government. In years from that time, the British, of their own accord, sent their first Minister to the United States, and the President, in return, nominated Mr. Thomas Pinckney as the Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Great Britain. two About this time war commenced between France and Great Britain. The correct and mature judgment of Washington immediately decided that the proper position of the United States was that of perfect neutrality. A strong disposition existed in the people to favor the cause of France. The benefits that had been conferred upon them by that gallant nation during the revolutionary struggle were fresh in their remembrance. A feeling still existed of resentment towards England, for the oppression which had led to the war, and the miseries that attended it. To compel the observance of neutrality, under these circumstances, was a task that required all the influence and popularity of Washington. Motions were made in Congress for sequestrating debts due to British subjects; to enter into commercial hostility with Great Britain, and even to interdict all intercourse with her till she pursued other measures with respect to the United States. Every thing threatened immediate war. In this |