tentiary, upwards of 23 millions of dollars are now ready in England, in aid of our industry and agriculture.

The Government, without a Code of Laws to direct its Administration, knows not how to act: unable to adopt any fixed principles, or a conduct in unison with the Institutions of the Country, its course is feeble, and all its operations are impeded.

Under these urgent circumstances, I hope to see the Nation assembled on the 5th of September.

In order to ensure greater freedom and activity in the Elections, I have issued the annexed Convocation, from which it will be seen that I have taken the most effectual measures in my power for the preservation of impartiality and good order.

Inhabitants of Chile! The Nation knows too well that I have no interest at heart but that of my Country; no desire for any other dignity than that which is founded in its Glory. Nevertheless, I protest to you again, and that most solemnly, that I hold in the greatest abhorrence, (and will take care that the Judicial Authorities perform their duty, by punishing in the severest manner,) any Person who, directly or indirectly, shall assert that the Government exercises any sort of influence over the Persons or opinions of the Representatives. From motives of delicacy I have resolved, in order that it may not hereafter be alledged that the slightest deference or consideration to Authority have had any influence, that during the Elections all Governors depending upon the Directorial nomination shall be withdrawn.

It remains for you to proceed with the greatest purity and respect for the National interest. You are about to decide the fate of your Country: look well to your awful responsibility: tremble for the consequences, and the inexorable judgment of posterity.

JUAN DE DIOS VIAL DEL RIO.

FREIRE.

DECREE of The King of Spain, relative to the strict observance of the Fundamental Laws of the Spanish Monarchy. (Translation.) Aranjeuz, 19th April, 1825.

SINCE the period when Divine Providence, commiserating the evils which the Revolution had inflicted upon Spain, was pleased to recompense the loyalty of my beloved Subjects, assisted by the valiant French Army under the command of its Illustrious Chief the Duke d'Angoulême, my beloved Cousin, by restoring me to the Throne of my Ancestors, which a handful of rebels had usurped, I have dedicated my unceasing attention to encourage and increase the respect due to our most Holy Religion, and to re-establish that order and tranquil. lity, which are the foundation of the prosperity of Empires. Although, it may not have been possible for me to correct, in the short time which has since elapsed, all the mischief occasioned by Anarchy in the different branches of the Public Administration, My Royal Mind feels,

T

nevertheless, the gratifying consolation of already beholding the beneficial results of my perseverance, and the progress made in the measures of improvement, the continuation of which, and my constant solicitude for the happiness of My People, inspires me with well founded hopes that, by the assistance of the Almighty, the melancholy effects of the late disasters will soon be for ever obliterated, notwithstanding the machinations of the Revolutionists, who, however designing, ill intentioned and persevering, will in vain attempt to seduce the fidelity of my People, by calling in the aid of calumny and intrigue, to disseminate distrust, create suspicion and introduce disunion.

I have learnt with the most lively concern, that this faction has for some time insidiously propagated alarming reports, that it is intended to advise and to compel me to introduce reforms and innovations, in the Administration and Government of my Kingdom, by altering its ancient and respected Laws, and by limiting My Royal Authority. To contradict this malicious, and at the same time criminal fabrication, is both my duty and a satisfaction to myself. I therefore declare, that I am not only resolved to preserve inviolate, and in all their plenitude, the legitimate Rights of my Sovereignty, without resigning, either now or at any time, the smallest portion of them, or permitting the establishment of Chambers, or any other Institutions, whatever be their denomination, which are forbidden by our Laws and are contrary to our customs; and that I continue to receive the most solemn and positive assurances from all my August Allies, who have given me so many proofs of their good will, and of their efficacious co-operation for the welfare of my Kingdom, that they will, on all occasions, continue to support the legitimate Sovereign Authority of my Crown, without proposing or advising, directly or indirectly, any innovation in the form of my Government.

I declare at the same time my firm and decided resolution to observe and respect the Laws, without tolerating abuses of any kind, without permitting violence and intrigue to usurp the place of justice, and without consenting that any Persons shall escape the punishment due to disobedience and insubordination, under the pretence or appearance of attachment to My Royal Person or Authority.

The strict observance of the Laws, the prompt execution of my Decrees and Ordinances, and respect for the Authorities, are the solid principles of order and prosperity, which every truly loyal Spaniard, attached to his Sovereign, ought to lay down as the rule of his conduct, and are those which, notwithstanding all the intrigues and attempts of the ill-intentioned, will secure the Peace of my Kingdoms, and the well-being of my beloved Vassals, the dearest object of my solicitude. Let this be made known, &c.

Countersigned, F. de Zea Bermudez.

THE KING.

LETTER of M. Rodios, Secretary to the Greek Government, relative to the "Russian Memoir on the Pacification of Greece," and Reply of Mr. Secretary Canning.

M. Rodios to Mr. Secretary Canning.

EXCELLENCE, Naples de Romanie, ‡‡ Acût, 1824. DEPUIS quatre ans, les Grecs, ayant mis toutes leurs espérances dans la Divine Providence, défendent avec succès la terre de leurs pères. Je dis qu'ils défendent la terre, car ils s'embarrassent peu des Villes, des Villages, des maisons et des propriétés particulières. Cela est assez prouvé dans les diverses invasions de l'Ennemi, dans lesquelles les Grecs ont sacrifié, avec autant de courage que de générosité, ce qu'ils avaient de plus précieux et de plus cher; ils ont préféré la liberté sous des tentes, dans leurs vallées ou sur les sommets de leurs monts, à de brillantes habitations avec l'esclavage.

Cette circonstance, remarquable dans la résistance des Grecs, ne doit-elle pas inspirer à toutes les Âmes Chrétiennes la persuasion que les Grecs, entrés dans la carrière des combats pour reconquérir leurs droits en secouant un joug insupportable, ont pour objet sacré, de délivrer leur foi, leur Patrie, leurs Temples Saints, les tombeaux de leurs Ancêtres, leurs femmes et leurs enfans, et sont étrangers aux vues politiques qui ont agité l'Europe!

Dirigés par ces principes, les Grecs, dans la lutte qu'ils soutiennent, n'ont pas manqué s'adresser à leurs Frères de la Chrétienté, en réclamant leur sympathie, et officiellement aux Monarques du Congrès de Verone, en les suppliant de protéger l'humanité outragée. Mais la Politique Européenne, adoptant des idées différentes sur les principes de notre Cause, et étant loin d'avoir une connaissance exacte de la Dynastie Ottomane, n'a voulu ni donner foi aux récits des Grecs, ni s'arrêter à entendre leurs soupirs et leurs plaintes, et ne s'est décidée qu'à une vaine neutralité, qui a quelquefois été fatale aux Grecs.

N'ayant point réussi dans le but de leurs prières publiques, les Grecs ont dû se dévouer avec constance à leur Cause sacrée, et laisser au temps de mettre leurs motifs et leurs principes en évidence.

Le Gouvernement Grec continua, en effet, ce système silencieux, et il y aurait persisté, si une Note, émanée du Nord de l'Europe, ne l'avait pas obligé à rompre le silence. Cette Note a pour objet La Grèce, et décide de son sort au gré d'une volonté qui lui est étrangère. Il est difficile d'imaginer qu'une Note aussi injuste et aussi cruelle soit sortie d'une Cour telle que la Cour de Russie. Cependant les Grecs ne peuvent se dissimuler cette idée; et, dans cette circonstance, la Nation Grecque, et son Gouvernement, dont j'ai l'honneur d'être l'orga e de l'expression des sentimens dont ils adressent l'hommage à Sa Majesté Britannique, par l'intermédiaire de Votre Excellence, déclarent solennellement qu'ils préférent une mort glorieuse au sort honteux qu'on prétend leur faire subir.

On ne peut croire que Sa Majesté Britannique, qui a montré des

principes philanthropiques envers les Peuples de l'Amérique du Sud, permette que les Grecs soient exclus, comme indignes du catalogue des Nations civilisées, et livrés à la merci des uns et des autres, sans avoir le droit de se constituer comme Nation.

Les Grecs se trouvent certes dans une situation meilleure que cette de l'Amérique du Sud. Ils ont marqué du sceau de l'ignominie la faiblesse Turque; ils ont prouvé qu'ils étaient dignes d'être libres. Ils ne combattent pas contre la Métropole, mais contre une Nation qui tirannissait La Grèce, et traitait ses fils en esclaves. Les Grecs ont secoué le joug des Barbares au grand étonnement de toutes les Nations; ils ont entrepris la guerre sans aucun moyen, bien persuadés qu'ils n'obtiendraient l'indépendance qu'à force de sacrifices; ils ont conquis des Forteresses, des Villes, et un grand nombre de points qui étaient au pouvoir de leur farouche Despote. Dans plusieurs rencontres, ils ont battu l'innombrable et effrayable flotte turque, avec des petits bâtimens marchands; ils ont établi des Lois conformes aux Lois des Nations civilisées; ils ont établi un Gouvernement, en se soumettant à ses Actes.

Peut-on mettre en doute aujourd'hui si les Grecs sont dignes de l'indépendance? Sa Majesté Britannique observera sans doute que La Grèce, devenue libre, contribuera, autant par l'esprit de son Peuple que par sa position, aux intérêts de La Grande-Bretagne. Le commerce est l'âme des Nations civilisées; et ce commerce, où peut Elle le trouver avec plus d'avantage que dans la main droite de l'Europe, qui est La Grèce ? Quelle plus forte barrière peut Elle trouver contre l'accroissement d'un immense Pouvoir Européen? Quel point plus favorable pour maintenir la balance de l'Europe, que ces boulevards naturels, au milieu des quels La Grèce se trouve établie ?

Ce sont des vérités incontestables, que le temps éclaircira.

Par tous ces motifs, La Grèce, je pense, a le droit, moralement et politiquement, d'espérer toute espèce de secours et de protection de la part de la philanthropique Nation Anglaise, et surtout de Sa Majesté Britannique, dont les vénérables sentimens sont si bien connus.

Il ne peut plus être mis en doute, si l'Indépendance de la Grèce est d'accord avec les intérêts des Nations Européennes; c'est un puissant motif pour que la Nation Grecque ne soit pas dépouillée de ses droits sacrés, pour que la Nation Anglaise, dont le poids dans la balance politique est si hautement constaté, ne reste pas indifférente, et ne voit pas sans émotion l'humanité si injustement et si indignement opprimée. J'ai l'honneur d'être, etc.

S. E. Mons. Canning.

SIR,

P. G. RODIOS, Secrétaire-Général.

Mr. Secretary Canning to M. Rodios.

Foreign Office, December 1st. 1824.

I HAVE to acknowledge the receipt of the Letter which you did me the honour to address to me on the 44th of August, (but which

reached my hands, only on the 4th of November) expressing the opinion of the Greek Provisional Government, upon a Paper which has been published in the Gazettes of Europe, purporting to be a Plan of Pacification for Greece, drawn up by the Court of St. Petersburgh.

That the publication of the Paper, in question, is unauthorized, cannot be doubted. Whether the Paper itself be authentic, it is not for me to admit or to deny: but it is due to the Court of St. Petersburgh, to declare to you, that any Plan of Pacification, emanating from that Court, would be drawn up (as the British Government sincerely believe) in any thing but an unfriendly disposition towards Greece; that no such Plan has been definitively settled, (as your Letter appears to assume) with the intention of imposing it either upon Greece, or upon the Turkish Government; and that whatever Plan the Emperor of Russia might have in contemplation, would be submitted by His Imperial Majesty to several of the Powers of Europe, His Imperial Majesty's Allies, for their consideration, before any Proposition, founded thereupon, would be made to the Contending Parties. The Emperor of Russia had, it is true, suggested to His Allies, the expediency of proposing, simultaneously, to The Porte, and to the Provisional Government of Greece, a suspension of hostilities, for the purpose of allowing time for an amicable intervention between them. Nor would the British Government have refused, at a proper time, to be Party to that proposal.

It is but just, to add, that the Paper which has attracted the indignation of the Greek Provisional Government, has been viewed with no less indignation by the Divan.

While the Greeks profess an insurmountable abhorrence of any settlement, short of the establishment of their Independence as a Nation, the Divan abjures all modes of reconciliation, short of an unqualified re-establishment of their Sovereignty over Greece.

Between two Parties so disposed, there can, indeed, be little hope of an acceptable and successful Mediation. But to have felt and expressed a desire to mediate, before the extreme vehemence of these opposite resolutions was known, and while the varying fortune of the War appeared to furnish to both Parties, not unreasonable motives for a compromise, surely cannot be imputed, either to Russia, if she originated the Project of such a compromise, or to those who might have been prepared to deliberate in concert with her upon it, as a crime.

The Paper, purporting to be a Russian Memoir, contains the elements of a Compromise, though not adjusted, perhaps, exactly in the proportions, in which they might finally have been arranged for. proposal to the Belligerent Parties.

If the Sovereignty of the Turks were not to be absolutely restored, nor the Independence of the Greeks to be absolutely acknowledged,