Sivut kuvina
PDF
ePub
[ocr errors]

people will free it and restore its most Holy Father. Just as the early Christians prayed when Peter was in prison, so ought all to pray in these days of affliction. "Shall we not," he cries, mourn for the evil life of the chief Church (of Christendom)? Shall we not beseech God for the liberation of the primate and chief ruler of the Church? Let us pray then; let us pray that through our prayers we may be heard. Let us implore freedom for our mother, the Catholic Church, and the liberty, so necessary for the Christian religion, of our chief Father on earth-the Pope."1

Again, Dr. John Clark, the English ambassador in Rome, when presenting Henry's book against Luther to Leo X. in public consistory, said that the English king had taken up the defence of the Church because in attacking the Pope the German reformer had tried to subvert the order established by God Himself. In the Babylonian Captivity of the Church he had given to the world a book "most pernicious to mankind," and before presenting Henry's reply, he begged to be allowed to protest "the devotion and veneration of the king towards the Pope and his most Holy See." Luther had declared war "not only against your Holiness but also against your office; against the ecclesiastical hierarchy, against this See, and against that Rock established by God Himself." England, the speaker continued, "has never been behind other nations in the worship of God and the Christian faith, and in obedience to the Roman Church." Hence "no nation" detests more cordially "this monster (Luther) and the heresies broached by him." For he has declared war "not only against your Holiness but against your office; against the ecclesiastical hierarchy, against this See, that Rock established by God Himself."

'Joannis Longlondi Tres conciones (R. Pynson), f. 45.

2 Assertion of the Seven Sacraments against Luther (translation by J. W., 1687), f. a. i.

Whilst the evidence goes to show the full acceptance by the English people of the Pope's spiritual headship of the Church, it is also true that the system elaborated by the ecclesiastical lawyers in the later Middle Ages, dealing, as it did, so largely with temporal matters, property, and the rights attaching thereto, opened the door to causes of disagreement between Rome and England, and at times open complaints and criticism of the exercise of Roman authority in England made themselves heard. This is true of all periods of English history. Since these disagreements are obviously altogether connected with the question, not of spirituals, but of temporals, they would not require any more special notice but for the misunderstandings they have given rise to in regard to the general attitude of men's minds to Rome and Papal authority on the eve of the Reformation. It is easy to find evidence of this. As early as 1517, a work bearing on this question appeared in England. It was a translation of several tracts that had been published abroad on the debated matter of Constantine's donation to the Pope, and it was issued from the press of Thomas Godfray in a well-printed folio. After a translation of the Latin version of a Greek manuscript of Constantine's gift, which had been found in the Papal library by Bartolomeo Pincern, and published by order of Pope Julius II., there is given in this volume the critical examination of this gift by Laurence Valla, the opinion of Nicholas of Cusa, written for the Council of Basle, and that of St. Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence. The interest of the volume for the present purpose chiefly consists in the fact of the publication in England at this date of the views expressed by Laurence Valla. Valla had been a canon of the Lateran and an eminent scholar, who was employed by Pope Nicholas V. to translate Thucydides and Herodotus. His outspoken words got him into difficulties with the Roman curia, and obliged him to retire to Naples, where he died in 1457. The tract was edited with a preface by the leader of the

reform party in Germany, Ulrich von Hutten. In this introduction von Hutten says that by the publication of Pincern's translation of the supposed donation of Constantine Julius II. had "provoked and stirred up men to war and battle," and further, he blames the Pontiff because he would not permit Valla's work against the genuineness of the gift to be published. With the accession of Leo X. von Hutten looked, he declares, for better days, since "by striking as it were a cymbal of peace the Pope has raised up the hearts and minds of all Christian people." Before this time the truth could not be spoken. Popes looked "to pluck the riches and goods of all men to their own selves," with the result that "on the other side they take away from themselves all that belongs to the succession of St. Peter."

Valla, of course, condemns the supposed donation of Constantine to the Pope as spurious, and declares against the temporal claims the See of Rome had founded upon it. He strongly objects to the "temporal as well as the spiritual sword" being in the hands of the successors of St. Peter. "They say," he writes, "that the city of Rome is theirs, that the kingdom of Naples is their own property that all Italy, France, and Spain, Germany, England, and all the west part of the world belongs to them. For all these nations and countries (they say) are contained in the instrument and writ of the donation or grant."

The whole tract is an attack upon the temporal sovereignty of the head of the Christian Church, and it was indeed a bold thing for Ulrich von Hutten to publish it and dedicate it to Pope Leo X. For the present purpose it is chiefly important to find all this set out in an English dress, whilst so far and for a long while after, the English people were loyal and true to the spiritual headship of the Pope, and were second to no other nation in their attachment to him. At that time, recent events, including the wars of Julius II., must certainly have caused

men to reflect upon the temporal aspect of the Papacy; and hearts more loyal to the successor of St. Peter than that of Von Hutten would probably have joined fervently in the concluding words of his preface as it appeared in English. "Would to God I might (for there is nothing I do long for more) once see it brought to pass that the Pope were only the Vicar of Christ and not also the Vicar of the Emperor, and that this horrible saying may no longer be heard: 'the Church fighteth and warreth against the Perugians, the Church fighteth against the people of Bologna.' It is not the Church that fights and wars against Christian men; it is the Pope that does so. The Church fights against wicked spirits in the regions of the air. Then shall the Pope be called, and in very deed be, a Holy Father, the Father of all men, the Father of the Church. Then shall he not raise and stir up wars and battles among Christian men, but he shall allay and stop the wars which have been stirred up by others, by his apostolic censure and papal majesty."

[ocr errors]

Evidence of what, above, has been called the probable searching of men's minds as to the action of the Popes in temporal matters, may be seen in a book called a Dyalogue between a knight and a clerk, concerning the power spiritual and temporal. In reply to the complaint of the clerk that in the evil days in which their lot had fallen "the statutes and ordinances of bishops of Rome and the decrees of holy fathers" were disregarded, the knight exposes a layman's view of the matter. "Whether they ordain," he says, "or have ordained in times past of the temporality, may well be law to you, but not to us. No man has power to ordain statutes of things over which he has no lordship, as the king of France may ordain no statute (binding) on the emperor nor the emperor on the king of England. And

1 A treatise of the donation or gift and endowment of possessions given (by Constantine) with the judgement of certain great men, 1517, Thomas Godfray.

2 London, Thomas Berthelet.

just as princes of this world may ordain no statutes for your spirituality over which they have no power: no more may you ordain statutes of their temporalities over which you have neither power nor authority. Therefore, whatever you ordain about temporal things, over which you have received no power from God, is vain (and void). And therefore, but lately, I laughed well fast, when I heard that Boniface VIII. had made a new statute that he himself should be above all secular lords, princes, kings, and emperors, and above all kingdoms, and make laws about all things; and that he only needed to write, for all things shall be his when he has so written; and thus all things will be yours. If he wishes to have my castle, my town, my field, my money, or any other such thing, he needed nothing but to will it, and write it, and make a decree, and wot that it be done, (for) to all such things he has a right."

The clerk does not, however, at once give up the position. You mean, he says in substance, that in your opinion the Pope has no power over your property and goods. "Though we should prove this by our law and by written decrees, you account them for nought. For you hold that Peter had no lordship or power over temporals, but by such law written. But if you will be a true Christian man and of right belief, you will not deny that Christ is the Lord of all things. To Him it is said in the Psalter book,' Ask of me, and I will give you nations for thine heritage, and all the world about for thy possession ' (Ps. ii.). These are God's words, and no one doubts that He can ordain for the whole earth."

Nobody denies God's lordship over the earth, replied the knight, "but if it be proved by Holy Writ that the Pope is lord of all temporalities, then kings and princes must needs be subject to the Pope in temporals as in spirituals." So they are, in effect, answered the clerk. Peter was made "Christ's full Vicar," and as such he can do what his lord can, "especially when he is Vicar with full power, without

« EdellinenJatka »