moments to open himself to him. He reprefented, That the kingdom of Pergamus, weak of itfelf, and but very lately established, had fubfifted, and been improved folely by the union and good understanding of the brothers who poffeffed it. That only one of them, indeed, enjoyed the name of king, and wore the diadem; but that they all reigned in effect. That Eumenes, having no male iffue (for the fon he had afterwards, and who fucceeded him, was not then in being) he could leave his throne only to his next brother. That his right to the fucceffion of the kingdom was therefore inconteftable; and that, confidering the age and infirmities of Eumenes, the time for fuch fucceffion could not be very remote. And wherefore then fhould he anticipate and haften, by a violent and criminal undertaking, what would foon happen in a juft and natural manner? Did he defire to divide the kingdom with his brother, or to deprive him of it entirely? If he had only a part of it, both of them, weakened by fuch divifion, and expofed to the enter prifes of their neighbours, might be equally undone in the confequence. That if he proposed to reign alone, what would become of his elder brother? Would he reduce him to live as a private perfon, or fend him, at his years, into banishment? or, in a word, would he cause him to be put to death? That he did not doubt, but fuch thoughts must give him horror. That, not to fpeak of the fabulous accounts of the tragical effects of fraternal difcord, the recent example of Perfeus might remind him of them. That that unfortunate prince, who had torn the fceptre from his brother, by fhedding his blood, purfued by the divine vengeance, had lately laid down the fame fcepter at the feet of a victor, in the temple of Samothracia, and in a manner before the eyes, and by the order of the gods who prefide there, the witnesses and avengers of his guilt. That he was affured, the very perfons, who lefs out of friendthip for him, than ill-will for Eumenes, gave him at prefent fuch pernicious counfels, would be the firft to praise his tender and conftant affection for his brother, if he continued faithfully at

tached to him to the last. Stratius added the extreme danger to which Attalus would expose the kingdom of Pergamus in the prefent conjuncture, when the Gauls were preparing to invade it.

How unworthy was it of the Romans to kindle and blow up the fire of discord in this manner between brothers! Of what value muft a fincere, prudent, and difinterefted friend appear at such a time! What an advantage is it for a prince to give those who approach him the liberty of fpeaking freely, and without referve to him; and of being known by them in that light! The wife remonftrances of Stratius had their effect with Attalus. That prince, having been introduced into the fenate, without fpeaking against his brother, or demanding a divifion of the kingdom of Pergamus, contented himself with congratulating the fenate, in the name of Eumenes and his brothers, upon the victory gained in Macedonia. He modeftly difplayed the zeal and affection with which he had ferved in the war against Perfeus. He defired, that they would fend ambaffadors to check the infolence of the Gauls, and to reduce them to their former ftate; and concluded with requesting, that the inveftiture of nus and Maronæa, cities of Thrace, might be given to him, which places had been conquered by Philip, father of Perfeus, and the poffeffion difputed with him by Eumenes.

The fenate, imagining that Attalus would demand another audience, in order to fpeak in particular of his pretenfions upon part of his brother's dominions, promifed beforehand to fend ambaffadors according to his demand, and made the prince the ufual prefents. They promifed befides to put him in poffeffion of the two cities, as he defired. But when it was known that he had left Rome, the fenate, offended to find that he had done nothing they had expected from him, and not being able to be revenged upon him in any other manner, revoked the promife they had made him; and, before the prince was out of Italy, declared Ænus and Maronæa free and independent cities. They fent, however, an embassy

embaffy to the Gauls, at the head of which was P. Licinius; but with very different inftructions to those demanded by Attalus. The Roman policy took off the mask entirely at this time, and fhowed an afpect very unlike the franknefs and probity of their ancestors.

The fenate fome days" after gave audience to the Rhodians, which made a great noife. They were at first refused to be heard, as having rendered themfelves unworthy of that honour by their conduct, and even a declaration of war against them was talked of. Rhodes, alarmed at it, sent two new deputies. Having obtained admittance to the fenate with great difficulty, they appeared there as fuppliants, dreffed in mourning habits, and with their faces bathed in their tears. Aftymedes fpoke, and with a voice interrupted with fighs, took upon him the defence of his unfortunate country. He took great care not to fhow at firft his defire to juftify it. He knew, that it had justly incurred the anger of the Roman people; he confeffed its faults; he called to mind the indifcreet embaffy, which the infolent pride of the orator who spoke, had rendered still more criminal: but he begged the fenate to make some difference between the entire body of the nation, and a few private perfons difavowed by them, and whom they were ready to deliver up. He reprefented, that there was no republic nor city, that did not include fome bad members. That after all, there were no other crimes objected to them but words; foolish indeed, rafh, extravagant (which he confeffed to be the characteristics and failings of his nation) but fuch as wife perfons feldom lay much stress upon, or punish with exceeding rigour, no more than Jupiter aims his thunders at all that fpeak with little refpect of his divinity. But (faid he) the neutrality obferved by us in the late war, is looked upon as a certain proof of our enmity in regard to you. "there a tribunal in the world, wherein the intention, "when

66

66

* Is

■ Polyb. Legat. xciii. xcix. c. & civ. Liv. xlv. n. 20—25. Neque moribus neque legibus ullius civitatis ita comparatum effe, ut fiquis vellet inimicum perire, fi nihil fecerit quo id fiat, capitis damnekur. Liv.

"when without effect, is punifhed as the action itself? "But let your feverity be carried to that excefs, at moft "the punishment can only fall on thofe who have had "this intention, and then the majority of us are inno"cent. Adınitting even that this neutrality and in"action make us ail criminal; ought the real services "we have rendered you, in the two preceding wars, to "be deemed as nothing, and will they not cover the "omiffion imputed to us in the laft? Let Philip, Antiochus, and Perfeus bear witness now in our cause. "The voices of the two firft will certainly be for us,

46

41

46

and abfolve us; and, for the third, at most, and in "the fevereft fenfe, the fentence muft appear doubtful and uncertain. Can you then, according to this ftate "of the queftion, pafs a fatal decree against Rhodes; 66 for you are now upon the point of deciding, whether "it fhall fubfift any longer, or be entirely deftroyed? You may declare war against us; but not a fingle Rhodian will take up arms against you. If you per"fift in your refentment, we demand time to go and report our deputation at Rhodes, and at that moment our whole city, men, women, and free perfons, will embark, with all our eftates and effects; we will "abandon our houfehold gods, as well public as pri"vate, and come to Rome, where, after we have thrown "our gold and filver, and all we have, at your feet, we will deliver up ourfelves, our wives, and our children, to your difcretion. We will fuffer here before your eyes, whatever you fhall think fit to inflict upon "us. If Rhodes is condemned to be plundered and set on fire, at least we shall spare ourselves the fight of that calamity. You may by your refolves declare yourfelves our enemies; but there is a fecret fenfe in the "bottom of our hearts, that declares quite the contrary, "and affures us, that whatever hoflilities you may act against us, you will never find us otherwife than "friends and fervants."

46

64

46

66

After this difcourfe, the deputies proftrated themselves upon the earth, and held out their hands towards the fe

nators,

nators, with olive branches in them, to demand peace. When they were withdrawn, by order of the fenate, they proceeded to vote upon the affair. All who had ferved in Macedonia, in quality of confuls, prætors, or lieutenants, and who had moft experienced their foolish pride and enmity to the Romans, were very much against them. M. Portius Cato, the celebrated cenfor, known by the feverity of his character, which often rofe to hardness of heart, was softened at this time in favour of the Rhodians, and spoke for them with great warmth and eloquence. Livy does not repeat his difcourfe, because it was then extant in a work of Cato's own, intitled, De Originibus, where he had inferted his own

orations.

The world has reafon to regret the lofs of fo valuable a collection. Aulus Gellius has preferved fome fragments of this difcourfe of Cato's; by which it appears, he made use of almost the fame reasons with the ambaffadors of Rhodes. I fhall cite fome paffages of it at the bottom of the page, to affift the reader in knowing and distinguishing the manly and energetical ftyle, which characterized the Roman eloquence in thofe ancient. times, when more attention was had to the force of thoughts, than to the elegance of words.

Cato* begins his difcourfe by reprefenting to the Ro. mans, that they ought not to abandon themfelves to the extravagance of exceffive joy. That prosperity generally excites pride and infolence. That he apprehends, in the prefent cafe, they may form refolutions, which may draw fome misfortune upon Rome, and cause the frivo lous joy, to which they give themselves up, to vanish

• Liv. 1. vii. c. v.

like

* Scio folere plerifque bominibus rebus fecundis atque prolixis atque profperis animum excellere, fuperbiam atque ferociam augefcere atque crefcere: quod mihi nunc magna cura eft, quia hæc res tam fecunde proceffit, nequid in confulendo adverfi eveniat, quod noftras fecundas res confutet; neve hæc lætitia nimis luxuriofe eveniat. Adverfæ res fe domant, docent quid opus fit facto: fecunda res lætitia tranfverfum trudere folent à recto confulendo atque intelligente. Qua majore opere edico fuadeoque uti bec res aliquot dies proferatur, dum ex tanto gaudio in poteftatem noftram. redeamus.