siastical;' by which, (though probably done in favour of the Papists) Dissenters received a general ease, and enjoyed their meetings peaceably. The people called Quakers, having smarted by those laws more than others, could not be less sensible of the present relief; wherefore at their next annual assembly held at London, in the third month this year, they drew up an 'Address of Thanks to the King,' deputing W. P. and others to present the same: his speech at the presenting of it, with the address itself, and the king's answer, were as follows:

W. Penn's speech to the King, upon his delivering the
Quakers Address.

May it please the King,

Ir was the saying of our blessed Lord to the captious Jews in the case of tribute, "Render to Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, and to God the things that are God's." As this distinction ought to be observed by all men in the conduct of their lives, so the king has given us an illustrious example in his own person that excites us to it: for while he was a subject, he gave Cæsar his tribute, and now he is a Cæsar, he gives God his due, viz. the sovereignty over consciences.' It were a great shame, then, for any Englishman (that professes Christianity) not to give God his due. By this grace he has relieved his distressed subjects from their cruel sufferings, and raised to himself a new and lasting empire, by adding their affections to their duty: and we pray God to continue the king in this noble resolution; for he is now upon a principle that has good-nature, Christianity, and the good of civil society on its side; a security to him beyond the little arts of government.

I would not that any should think, that we came hither with design to fill the gazette with our thanks; but as our sufferings would have moved stones to compassion, so we should be harder, if we were not moved to gratitude.

Now since the king's mercy and goodness have reached to us throughout the kingdom of England, and principality of Wales, our general assembly from all those parts, met at London about our church affairs, has appointed us to wait upon the king with our humble thanks, and me to deliver them; which I do, by this address, with all the affection and respect of a dutiful subject.'

The ADDRESS.-To King James the Second, over England, &c.: the humble and grateful acknowledgment of his peaceable subjects called Quakers, in this kingdom: from their

usual yearly-meeting in London, the nineteenth day of the third month, vulgarly called May, 1687.

We cannot but bless and praise the name of Almighty God, who hath the hearts of princes in his hand, that he hath inclined the king to hear the cries of his suffering subjects for conscience sake: and we rejoice that instead of troubling him with complaints of our sufferings, he hath given us so eminent an occasion to present him with our thanks: and since it hath pleased the king, out of his great compassion, thus to commiserate our afflicted condition, which hath so particularly appeared by his gracious proclamation, and warrants last year, whereby twelve hundred prisoners were released from their severe imprisonments, and many others from spoil and ruin in their estates and properties; and his princely speech in council, and Christian declaration for liberty of conscience, in which he doth not only express his aversion to all force upon conscience, and grant all his dissenting subjects an ample liberty to worship God, in the way they are persuaded is most agreeable to his will, but gives them his kingly word the same shall continue during his reign; we do (as our friends of this city have already done) render the king our humble, Christian, and thankful acknowledgments, not only in behalf of ourselves, but with respect to our friends throughout England and Wales: and pray God, with all our hearts, to bless and preserve thee, O king, and those under thee, in so good a work: and as we can assure the king it is well accepted in the several counties from whence we came, so we hope the good effects thereof, for the peace, trade, and prosperity of the kingdom, will produce such a concurrence from the parliament, as may secure it to our posterity in after-times: and while we live, it shall be our endeavour (through God's grace) to demean ourselves, as, in con、 science to God, and duty to the king, we are obliged, 'His peaceable, loving, and faithful subjects.'

'I THANK you heartily for your address: some of you know (I am sure you do, Mr. Penn) that it was always my principle,That conscience ought not to be forced; and that all men ought to have the liberty of their consciences :' and what I have promised in my declaration, I will continue to perform as long as I live: and I hope, before I die, to settle it so, that after-ages shall have no reason to alter it."

Some have objected against the Quakers, and other dissenters, for addressing king James upon the aforesaid

declaration of indulgence, as though they had thereby countenanced the king's dispensing with the laws in general: let such observe their imputation, as to our author, and his friends the Quakers, sufficiently guarded against in that part of their address where they say, 'We hope the good effects thereof, for the peace, trade, and prosperity of the kingdom, may produce such a concurrence from the parlia ment, as will secure it to our posterity.' It is plain, therefore, they gratefully accepted of the suspension of the penal laws, by the king's prerogative, (as who, in their case, would not?) a thing in itself just and reasonable, in hopes of having the same afterward confirmed by the legislative authority; there being at that time much talk of an approaching parliament: and that their expectation centered not in the king's dispensing power, is evident, by our author's continuing his endeavours to shew the necessity of abolishing the penal laws; for soon after this he writ a large tract, called, "Good Advice to the Church of England, Roman Catholics, and Protestant Dissenters;" in which he shews the disannulling of those laws to be their general interest.

He wrote also, presently after this, a book entitled, "The Great and Popular Objection against the Repeal of the Penal Laws, briefly stated and considered."

On the 27th of the month called April, 1688, king James renewed his declaration for liberty of conscience, with an order of council for the reading of it in churches; against which seven bishops petitioning, were committed to the Tower.

Our author labouring at this time under many jealousies and reflections as a countenancer of the court proceedings, a particular friend of his, William Popple, secretary to the plantation-office, sent him the following letter:

To the Honourable William Penn, Esq. Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania,

"Honoured Sir,

'THOUGH the friendship with which you are pleased to honour me, doth afford me sufficient opportunities of discoursing with you upon any subject, yet I chuse rather at this time to offer unto you in writing, some reflections which have occurred to my thoughts, in a matter of no common importance. The importance of it doth, primarily and directly, respect yourself, and your own private concernments; but it also, consequentially and effectually, regards the king, his government, and even the peace and settlement of this whole nation. I intreat you, therefore,

to bear with me, if I endeavour in this manner to give somewhat more weight unto my words than would be in a transient discourse, and leave them with you, as a subject that requires your retired consideration.

You are not ignorant that the part you have been supposed to have had of late years in public affairs, though without either the title, or honour, or profit of any public office, and that especially your avowed endeavours to introduce amongst us a general and inviolable liberty of conscience in matters of mere religion, have occasioned the mistakes of some men, provoked the malice of others, and, in the end, have raised against you a multitude of enemies, who have unworthily defamed you with such imputations, as, I am sure, you abhor. This I know you have been sufficiently informed of, though I doubt you have not made sufficient reflection upon it: the consciousness of your own innocence seems to me to have given you too great a contempt of such unjust and ill-grounded slanders; for however glorious it is, and reasonable, for a truly virtuous mind, whose inward peace is founded upon that rock of innocence, to despise the empty noise of popular reproach, yet even that sublimity of spirit may sometimes swell to a reproveable excess. To be steady and immoveable in the prosecution of wise and honest resolutions, by all honest and prudent means, is indeed a duty that admits of no exception: but nevertheless it ought not to hinder, that, at the same time, there be also a due care taken of preserving a fair reputation, "A good name," says the wise man, "is better than precious ointment.' It is a perfume that recommends the person whom it accompanies, that procures him every where an easy acceptance, and that facilitates the success of all his enterprizes: and for that reason, though there were no other, I intreat you observe, that 'The care of a man's reputation is an essential part of that very same duty that engages him in the pursuit of any worthy design.'

'But I must not entertain you with a declamation upon this general theme. My business is to represent to you, more particularly, those very imputations which are cast upon yourself, together with some of their evident consequences; that, if possible, I may thereby move you to labour after a remedy. The source of all arises from the ordinary access you have unto the king, the credit you are supposed to have with him, and the deep jealousy that some people have conceived of his intentions in reference to religion. Their jealousy is, that his aim has been to settle Popery in this nation, not only in a fair and secure

liberty, but even in a predominating superiority over all other professions: and from hence the inference follows, that whosoever has any part in the councils of this reign, must needs be popishly affected: but that to have so great a part in them, as you are said to have had, can happen to none but an absolute Papist. That is the direct charge; but that is not enough, your post is too considerable for a Papist of an ordinary form, and therefore you must be a Jesuit: nay, to confirm that suggestion, it must be accompanied with all the circumstances that may best give it an air of probability; as that you have been bred at St. Omer's, in the Jesuit's college; that you have taken orders at Rome, and there obtained a dispensation to marry; and that you have since that frequently officiated as a priest, in the celebration of the mass at Whitehall, St. James's, and other places. And this being admitted, nothing can be too black to be cast upon you. Whatsoever is thought amiss either in church or state, though never so contrary to your advice, is boldly attributed to it, and if other proofs fail, the scripture itself must be brought in to confirm, "That whosoever offends in one point" (in a point especially so essential as that of our too much affected uniformity) "is guilty of the breach of all our laws." Thus the charge of Popery draws after it a tail like the et cetera oath, and, by endless inuendoes, prejudicates you as guilty of whatever malice can invent, or folly believe: but that charge therefore being removed, the inferences that are drawn from it will vanish, and your reputation will return to its former brightness.

'Now that I may the more effectually persuade you to apply some remedy to this disease, I beseech you, Sir, suffer me to lay before you some of its pernicious consequences. It is not a trifling matter for a person raised, as you are, above the common level, to lie under the prejudice of so general a mistake, in so important a matter. The general and the long prevalency of any opinion gives it a strength, especially among the vulgar, that is not easily shaken. And as it happens that you have also enemies of an higher rank, who will be ready to improve such popular mistakes, by all sorts of malicious artifices, it must be taken for granted that those errors will be thereby still more confirmed, and the inconveniences that may arise from thence no less increased. This, Sir, I assure you, is a melancholy prospect to your friends; for we know you have such enemies. The design of so universal a liberty of conscience as your principles have led you to promote, has offended many of those whose interest is to cross it: I need