tures, was sent to the Senate, but failed to be approved by that body because of constitutional objections.

A reciprocity treaty with Canada was negotiated in 1854, which continued in operation for ten years and came to an end by limitation. Favored exchange of products with the Hawaiian Islands was established in 1875 by a reciprocity treaty, which remained in force up to the time of the annexation of the Islands to the Union, and was an important factor in bringing about that result.

The tariff was the most prominent question in the presidential campaign of 1888. The Republicans, while they attacked the Democratic revenue legislation as proposed in the Mills Bill, and strongly advocated the protective policy, promised in the event of success at the polls to reduce the revenue. When the new Congress assembled, the Republican majority sought to redeem the latter promise by repealing the duties on sugar and admitting that important tropical product free of all tax. This proposition created a vigorous opposition on the part of the friends of reciprocity, who urged that the duty on sugar should be retained as one of the chief bases of negotiations with the Spanish-American countries for the free or favored introduction into them of American products and manufactures; and Mr. Blaine, President Harrison's Secretary of State, became the prominent champion of their cause.

Several events had occurred tending to give Mr. Blaine new light on the subject, since he had quietly arrayed himself against the Arthur reciprocity treaties in 1884. Congress, upon the recommendation of President Arthur, had authorized the appointment of a commission to visit the Central and South American States to study and report upon the best method of developing better commercial relations with them. The report of this commission showed that those states were willing to unite with the United States in reciprocity treaties, and it recommended that a conference of all

the American nations be called to take this and other matters of mutual interest into consideration. This international conference assembled, Secretary Blaine was made its president, and it was in session for several months in 1889-90. One of its resolutions, adopted with unanimity, was in favor of the negotiation among the American States of commercial treaties embracing mutual tariff concessions. While legislation was pending upon the tariff, President Harrison sent to Congress Mr. Blaine's report of the action of the PanAmerican Conference with his hearty indorsement, and the President stated that any action taken by Congress in that direction would receive the prompt and favorable attention of the Executive.

During the hot summer months of 1890 an animated discussion was carried on in Congress and throughout the country, mainly within the ranks of the Republican Party, on the proposition of the Committee of Ways and Means to place sugar on the free list. Mr. Blaine was very active in opposition to it, unless its exemption from duty was coupled with a proviso that the countries from which it was imported should grant some equivalent concessions to products of the United States. He inaugurated a campaign of education by addressing letters to members of Congress on the subject, which were given to the press, by public addresses which were widely circulated, and by conferences with the committee having charge of the tariff legislation. A prominent business man of New York City, who had taken a deep interest in the effort to secure the approval of the Senate to the Cuban reciprocity treaty in 1884, wrote me in June, 1890: "I am quite interested in the discussion on reciprocity now going on. It is amusing to see how Blaine has come round, to those who know how he stood in Cuban treaty times." Mr. Blaine was too experienced a politician to be embarrassed by such an inconsistency.

All the efforts so actively put forth to influence the action

of the Committee of Ways and Means on the subject were futile, although it was understood that Mr. McKinley, then the chairman of the committee and the putative author of the tariff bill, was in favor of Mr. Blaine's plan. Mr. Thomas B. Reed, the Speaker of the House, who was on unfriendly personal terms with Mr. Blaine, exerted all the influence of his office to defeat the latter's efforts and the revenue bill was sent to the Senate with sugar and a number of other tropical products unconditionally placed on the free list. The friends of reciprocity now turned their attention to the Senate, and Secretary Blaine continued his activity in seeking to influence that legislative branch of the Government. One of his conferences with a Senate Committee gained great notoriety, as it was reported that during the interview his response to the inquiry of one of the members was so emphatic that he crushed on the committee table his new silk hat!

Mr. William E. Curtis, the well-known correspondent, who was present, in his account of the interview, writes: "Mr. Blaine, in the impetuous manner that is characteristic of him, declared that if sugar was placed on the free list the greatest results sought for and expected from the International Conference would be sacrificed. He declared that it would be the most inexcusable piece of folly the Republican Party was ever guilty of, and that the leaders in Congress would realize it before many months, and that if he was in the Senate he would fight it to the best of his ability. He spoke with the greatest earnestness, and said that he would give two years of his life for two hours on the floor of the Senate when the sugar schedule was under consideration. Forty millions of people, he said, had expressed their willingness to admit our food products free if we would take the duty off their sugar, and in the face of that proposition our Congress proposed to put sugar on the free list without asking any concession in return."

After much wrangling in committee, the submission of

various propositions to reconcile the conflicting views, and the quiet interposition of President Harrison, a compromise was effected by a clause incorporated in the revenue act of October 1, 1890, known as the McKinley Tariff, which placed sugar and a number of other tropical products on the free list, but authorized the President in his discretion to impose duties on those products coming from countries which would not extend similar favors to the products of the United States. The language of the clause was, in part, as follows: "That with a view to secure reciprocal trade with countries producing these articles, and for this purpose, on and after the first day of July, 1892, whenever, and so often as the President shall be satisfied that the Government of any country producing and exporting sugars, molasses, coffee, tea, hides, raw and uncured, or any such articles, imposes duties or other exactions upon the agricultural or other products of the United States, which in view of the free introduction of such sugar, molasses, coffee, tea, and hides into the United States he may deem to be reciprocally unequal and unjust, he shall have the power and it shall be his duty to suspend, by proclamation to that effect, the provisions of this act relating to the free introduction of such sugar, molasses, coffee, tea, and hides, the production of such country, for such time as he shall deem just, and in such case and during such suspension duties shall be levied, collected, and paid upon sugar, molasses, coffee, tea, and hides, the product of or exported from such designated country, as follows, namely:"

During the controversy in Congress, I had been frequently consulted by Mr. McKinley and by members of the Senate Committee on Finance, they recognizing that my experience in reciprocity matters and my familiarity with SpanishAmerican affairs placed me in a position to be of some service to them in reaching a satisfactory conclusion of the muchvexed question. When it became apparent that the Senate would force the House to conform substantially to Mr.

Blaine's wishes, the latter directed his private secretary to write me as follows: "The Secretary directs me to say that while he does not feel authorized to make a positive arrangement without first consulting the President, you are by all odds the best man in the country to undertake such a work [the diplomatic negotiations to grow out of the law cited], and he should wish to place it in your hands unless the President objected, which he thought was scarcely probable."

The law containing the reciprocity clause was passed on October 1, and on the next day I met Secretary Blaine by his request at his residence, and he then tendered me the employment to take charge of the reciprocity negotiations. His reasons for doing so were because he was already burdened with very important state matters, his health was not good, the negotiations would require much statistical research and would embrace many governments, and there was no official in his department to whom he chose to commit the task. The employment commended itself to me because its duties could be discharged mainly at Washington, so that I should not have to give up my other professional engagements, it was in line with my tastes and past study, and would afford me an opportunity to render my country a service of some importance.

From that day the reciprocity negotiations under the law of October 1, 1890, were placed entirely in my hands, except so far as Secretary Blaine's signature was necessary to initiate negotiations or to perfect those arranged by me. For the next twelve months I was in constant personal intercourse with Mr. Blaine and often with the President, informing them of the progress of the negotiations and seeking their advice or direction on controverted or difficult matters.

The first step taken to initiate negotiations with the countries with whom it was desired that reciprocity arrangements should be effected was a note from the Secretary of State addressed to the diplomatic representative of such countries