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liberty any where, and that, too, for Order in Council, issued on the 7th instant, reasons which every one clearly un- will, I fear, have this tendency, while it derstands. While any part of the earth cannot possibly do ourselves any.good. remains untrodden by slaves, they are not The impossibility of supplying the West at heart's ease. They hate the Emperor India Islands with lumber and provisions Napoleon because they fear him; but, from our own North American Provinces they hate him still more because they see is notorious. The Order, therefore, will in his conquests a tendency to a re- merely impose a tax upon the consumer, forming result. They are the mortal without shifting, in any degree worth noenemies of freedom, in whatever part of lice, the source of the supply. And, inthe globe she may unfurl her banners. deed, the measure will serve to shew what No matter what the people are who shout we would do if we could. for freedom; no matter of what nation or climate; no matter what language they There is one point, relative to the inspeak; and, on the other hand, the enemy tercourse between America and England, of freedom is invariably, by these persons, of which I ani the more desirous to speak, hailed as a friend. Such persons are na

because I have heretofore myself enterturally averse from any measures that tend tained and promulgated erroneous notions to restore barmony between this country respecting it: I allude, to the necessity of and America, which they look upon as the former being supplied with woollens a rebel against their principles. What by the latter. Whence this error arose, such persons would wish, is, that America how it has been removed from my should exclude not only from her ships, mind, and what is the real state of the but also from her soil, all British subjects fact, your Royal Highness will gather without distinction. This would exactly from the Preface (hereunto subjoined) to suit their tyrannical wishes. This would an American work on Sheep and Wool, answer one of their great purposes. But, which I, some time ago, republished, as the this they never will see. No government most likely means of effectually eradicatin America would dare to attempt it. The ing an error which I had contributed to very proposition would, as it ought to do, render popular, and the duration of which bring universal execration down upon the might have been injurious to the country. head of the proposer.

This work, if I could hope that your

Royal Highness would condescend to peThe charge against the Americans of ruse it, would leave no doubt in your entertaining a partiality for the Emperor of mind, that America no longer stands in France is one well worthy of atten- absolute need of English wool or woollens; tion; because, if it were true, it would that, if another pound of wool, in any naturally have much weight with your form, were never to be imported by her, Royal Highness. But, from the Address it would be greatly to her advantage; to Mr. Smith, which I subjoin, you will and, in short, that it comports with the perceive, that the same men in America, plans of her most enlightened statesmen who complain the most loudly of Great not less than with her interests and the inBritain, condemn, in unqualified terms, terests of humanity, that she should no the system of government existing in longer be an importer of this formerly France. And, which is of much more in necessary of life. This, Sir, is not one of terest, Mr. JEFFERSON himself (supposed the most trifling of the many recent revoto be the great founder and encourager of Jutions in the affairs of the world ; and, it the partiality for France) expresses the is one, which, though wholly overlooked same sentiments, as appears from a letter by such statesmen as Lord Sheffield, is of his, which I also subjoin,

well worthy of the serious consideration

of your Royal Highness. With these papers before you, Sir, it will, I thiyk, be impossible for you to form a There is no way, in which America is wrong judgment as to the real sentiments now dependent upon us, or upon any of the American government and people; other country. She has every thing with and, I am persuaded that you will per- in herself that she need to have. Her soil ceive, that every measure, tending to produces all sorts of corn in abundance, widen the breach between the two coun- and, of some sorts, two crops in the year tries, can answer no purpose but that of upon the same ground. Wool and flax favoring the views of France. Even the she produces with as much facility as we do. She supplies us with cotton. She cut off, as she will be, from all the world, has wine of her own production; and, it cannot, I am persuaded, retain her indewill not be long, before she will have the pendence, unless she now exert her eneroil of the olive. To attempt to bind such gies in something other than expeditions a country in the degrading bonds of the to the continent of Europe, where every custom-house is folly, and almost an out- creature seems to be arrayed in hostility rage upon nature. In looking round the against her. The mere colonial system is world; in viewing its slavish state; in no longer suited to her state nor to the state looking at the miserable victims of Euro. of Europe. A system that would combine pean oppression, who does not exclaim: the powers of England with those of Ame“ Thank God, she cannot so be bound !” rica, and that would thus set liberty to A policy, on our part, that would have wage war with despotism, dropping the prolonged her dependence would have Custom House and all its pitiful regular been, doubtless, more agreeable to her tions as out of date, would give new life people, who, like all other people, love to an enslaved world, and would ensure their ease, and prefer the comfort of the the independence of England for a time present day to the happiness of posterity beyond calculation. But, Sir, even to deWe mighi easily have caused America to liberate upon a system of policy like this, be more commercial ; but, of this our po- requires no common portion of energy: licy was afraid; and our jealousy has ren. There are such stubborn prejudices and dered her an infinite service. "By those more stubborn private interests to encounmeasures of ours, which produced the for- ter and overcome, that I should despair of mer non-importation act, we taught her to success without a previous and radical have recourse to her own soil and her own change of system at home; but, satisfied hands for the supplying of her own wants; I am, that, to produce that change, which and then, as now, we favoured the policy would infallibly be the ground work of of Mr. Jefferson, whose views have been all the rest, there needs nothing but the adopted and adhered to by his successor determination, firmly adhered to, of your in the Presidential chair.

Royal Highness. The relative situation of the two coun- To tell your Royal Highness what I tries is now wholly changed. America no expect to see take place would be useless : longer stands in absolute need of our manu- whether we are to hail a change of system, factures. We are become a debtor rather or are to lose all hope of it, cannot be than a creditor with her; and, if the pre- long in ascertaining. If the former, a sent non-importation act continue in force short delay will be amply compensated another year, the ties of commerce will be by the event; and, if the latter, the fact. so completely cut asunder as never more will always be ascertained too soon. to have much effect. In any case they

I am, &c. &c. never can be any thing resembling what

WM, COBBETT. they formerly were ; and, if we are wise,

State Prison, Newgate, our views and measures will change with Thursday, 12th September, 1811. the change in the state of things. We shall endeavour, by all honourable means,

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. to keep well with America, and to attach her to us by new ties, the ties of common Talavera's Wars. The wars of Tainterest and unclashing pursuits. We shall lavera, seem to travel at a slower and still anticipate those events which nature points slower pace towards that deliverance of out: the absolute independence of Mexi. Europe, which Mr. PERCEVAL seemed, in co, and, perhaps, of most of the West In. May last, so confidently to anticipate. An dia Islands. We shall there invite her effort has been made by the bireling population to hoist the banners of free- writers to keep up the delusion of their dom; and, by that means, form a coun- dupes, by telling them, that the Viscount terpoise to the power of the Emperor of was going soon to do something; that he had France. This, at which I take but a mere a vast plan in his eye; that, it was susglance, would be a work worthy of your pected, that he was going to take Rodrigo Royal Highness, and would render your by a siege, and Salamanca by a coup-dename great while you live, and dear to main ! Now, however, these stories have after ages. The times demand a great died away, and the Viscount, who reguand far-seeing policy. This little Lland, larly filled a column or two of every bir

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lavera's wars. I should say to myself:
"there is a country that I want to invade
"and subdue, but it is strong and rich. I
"must first exhaust it: I must drain
away its men and money: yet, how am
"I to do this, for I cannot get at any of
"its territories, and cannot meet its fleets
upon the sea? If I could get my mighty
"armies to bear upon this country, I
"could soon overwhelm it." How
should I bless my stars, if, in the midst
of this difficulty, I was told of a scheme
for drawing the men out of this country
that I could not get at, to fight my ar-
mies in a third country, to which I had
access by land! And, should I not be a
most stupid politician, if I did not take
care to feed and nurse such a war, until
my enemy should be completely ex-
hausted; until all his ablest men had been,
killed, and a great part of his wealth ex-
pended in a way never to return to him
again?--These are my reasons for not
believing that any very great reinforc
ments have been sent into Spain by Na-
poleon. An attack will, I dare say, be
made upon the Lord Marshal long before
the end of the year; the French may,
perhaps, force him to retreat again to the
lines of Torres Vedras, after having de-
stroyed many thousands of his men and
caused a monstrous expenditure on our
part. This is possible, and, if possible, it
will be done; but, if they drive our army
back to their old lodgings, there they will
leave them for a while; nay, they will
invite them out again, as Massena did
before; and thus they will keep up the
war, as long it suits their purpose. This
they will do, if they can; and, yet, there
are men, or, rather, two-legged brutes, in
England, to rejoice at what they deem the
inability of the French to drive our army
out of Portugal!--More of this in my

ling print, seems fast sinking out of sight. The Comet has completely eclipsed him the Lottery people have dropped the latter and taken up the former as a catch-word to their puffs.But, though the noble Viscount and his forces make less noise in the hired news-papers than formerly, they are, we may be assured," not less efficient upon the pay list: it does not require less expence, less taxation upon us, to keep them on foot, than it did many months ago. The people of England sweat for the war in the Peninsula, whatever may be the pace at which that war advances.- -The French are said to be sending forward reinforcements. To any extent I do not believe this to be true; and the reason why I do not believe it is, that recent events have shown that they have quite enough force already to keep the Lord Marshal Conde de Vimiera from advancing, and even to push him back when necessary, and that it is manifestly the most foolish thing that Napoleon can do to put an end to the wars of Talavera, which cost us so many thousands of men and so many millions of money every year; and which, though we have had many drains in our time, is the greatest that the country ever experienced. It must be the object of Napoleon to exhaust England; to impoverish her; to cause as many of her able men as possible to be killed; to cause the people to be weighed down by tax upon tax; to cause the paper-money to increase faster than in its natural progress; and, to secure all this, what can equal the war in the Peninsula ?. -We have never seen Napoleon indulge his passions at the expence of his interests. We have often seen him patiently suffering what our empty politicians, our miserable, petty, petulant crew of politicians called disgrace, in order to be able to strike, at last, the heavy, the sure, the home, the mortal blow. This we have seen in many instances; and, therefore, I see no reason why we should not conclude, that the prolonging of the war in the Peninsula, which is so clearly pointed out by his interest, does not make a part of his settled plan. For my own part, at any rate, I must do in this as in all similar cases; namely, judge of another's wishes by what would be my own; and, if I were in the place of Napoleon, especially if my ultimate object were to invade and subdue England or Ireland, I should deem it a great misfortune to see an end put to Ta

State Prison, Newgate, Friday,
September 13, 1811.


An Address to ROBERT SMITH, late Secretary of State to the President, on his publications against the latter. -From the New York Public Advertiser, 30th July, 1811.

To ROBERT SMITH, THE people of the United States, to whom you have appealed from the deci sion of their President, will not be un

grateful to you for the compliment you performance is the extreme anxiety you have paid their understandings, in believ- have manifested to attract the favor of ing them capable of estimating the merits those who have charged the administraof the controversies, which have termi- tion with being under the controul or in nated in your resignation of the office of fluence of France. To the distempered Secretary of State.-Until enlightened by jealousy of these men you have furnished your address, they could perceive nothing the aliment upon which it lives. You in that resignation but the change of one have fanned anew the dying flames of minister for another; a change, which their political zeal, and furnished them even had it been made by the direct au- with weapons, compared with which those thority of the President, he would have wielded by Randolph and Pickering, are owed no account of to any human being. puny indeed. You have stooped to the Both the theory and the practice of our degradation of propitiating the resentment constitution recognize him, subject to the of these men by attempting to offer them negative of the Senate only, as the ulti- in sacrifice the immolated reputation of mate judge of the propriety and expe Mr. Madison. But the victim is not yet diency of exercising this authority. Re- bound-the sacrifice is not yet completed, sponsible as he is for the conduct of his and public indignation steps in between ministers, to public opinion, and to the you and your intended victim. Nor will law, it is immaterial whether it be defect you succeed in conciliating the favour of of talent or integrity discovered in them, those who have repeatedly branded you or a mere difference of opinion on public with the foul imputation of being sold to men and public measures.; whether it be France, by attempting to prove that Mr. the detection of gross incapacity or dis- Madison is more of a Frenchman than honesty, or a variance in judgment upon yourself. Notwithstanding the ardent a phrase in a public letter, he is not bound zeal with which you have laboured to unto assign to his constituents the reasons dermine his well earned reputation, your and motives which may induce him to own conscience must tell you that subserdisplace one agent, and appoint another. viency and submission to France are not Still less does he owe an account of a the most flagrant errors of our policy. change effected by the voluntary resigna- The time was when you yourself could tion of an officer, over whose inclinations avow, that in aiming to wipe away this he can have no rightful controul. In such imputation, our government had inclined a case, it is for the officer himself, if he more to the views and interests of Britain, deems his personal griefs in any way than to those of France; and that in the connected with the public interests, to apo- comparative account current of injuries logize in the best mode in his power, for and insults, those inflicted by the former, deserting the service of his country. This greatly exceeded in amount, those retask you have undertaken to perform.ceived from the latter. No true American But instead of satisfactorily accounting for your resignation, which in my humble judgment you have failed to do, you have invoked the attention of the people to a bill of accusation against Mr. Madison, which, though professing to be "a plain "unvarnished tale," is drawn with all the craftiness and subtility of a special pleader, and whatever credit it may reflect upon your head, dishonours your heart. The magnanimity of the people of this country has already pronounced judgment upon the rancorous malice which stains every page of your address, and which dwells with greedy delight upon the little imperfections of human nature developed in the unsuspecting momeuts of confidential intercourse, and published to the world as important items of presidential delinquency. Another of the features which mark your elaborate

will pretend to justify or palliate the misconduct of France. Her policy towards this country has been not only extremely flagitious and unjust, but to the last degree foolish and absurd.-But our propensity has been rather to amplify and exaggerate, than rigorously to scan the nature of this injustice and this impolicy. All our ancient colonial ideas have been revived; and the anti-gallican prejudices of this country have never, since our independence, been more live and watchful. This pre-disposition of the public mind has been greatly strengthened by the reestablishment of despotism in France after the bright prospect which had appeared of its final extinction. The people have not unwisely concluded that the fruits of this bitter tree cannot be good, and they put no confidence in the professions of regard for the liberty of the seas coming

from the man who has destroyed all the in-
stitutions of civil freedom within his reach.
But do not suffer yourself to suppose, sir,
that though you have artfully availed
yourself of this state of public opinion,
and though the offering you have made to
the malignant genius of federalism is more
acceptable than the gift of your predeces-
sors in the path of apostacy, that therefore
your treachery will be more successful
than theirs. You were not born either to
create or destroy governments. If you
have stepped from your limited sphere of
usefulness for the latter purpose, fatal ex-
perience will soon convince you that you
have passed the bounds of your genius,"
and that you will never be able to rise to
fame and power upon the ruins of that im-
perishable monument of worth and ho-
nour, erected with the labours of forty
years exclusively devoted to the public
service, decorated with all those accom-
plishments which dignify human nature,
and unblemished by the stain of vice or
the commotions of passion.-You state in
the introduction to your letter that the
proffered mission to Russia affords "de-
"monstrative proof of Mr. Madison's con-
"fidence in you as to fidelity and as to
"capacity in public affairs." Whence
then your griefs, and what the necessity of
publicly disclosing collisions of opinion
between yourselves and the President;
and those also touching our pending dif-
ferences with foreign powers? If the offer
of the mission manifested the President's
opinion both of your integrity and talents
in public business, whence the necessity
of" obviating the honest misapprehensions
"of some, and the wanton misrepresenta-
"tions of others," since Mr. Madison was
to be ranked in neither of these classes?
Did not the different important offices you
had sustained under the government suffi-
ciently imply the confidence which you
had inspired? What man, what print had
calumniated your character? The ene-
mies of the administration alone honoured
you with their reproaches, as they now
dishonour you with their applause.-Mr.
Madison had published no book to ruin
your reputation he had revealed to the
world no confidential couversations of
yours he had said nothing of your foi-
bles, of your embarrassments and auk-
wardness your 'confusion' your
'perturbation -your disquietude'-
your peevishness'-and of his own com-
posure, and your want of it. Provocation
there was none, nor can any justification

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be found, or your conduct be imputed to any other motive than the gratification of the basest passion which disgraces human nature.-You have stated that your dif ferences of opinion with Mr. Madison respected certain public measures and public men. But you have not shewn what constitutional right you had to press upon the president your opinions upon public measures, and still less of nominations to office, in which the senate are his sole constitutional advisers. He may indeed " require the opinion in writing of the "heads of the executive departments upon "any subject relative to the duties of their offices." But for rejecting their opinions, delivered in any other mode, he is no wise constitutionally responsible. Unless then you can shew that Mr. Madison has, to the injury of the national rights and interests, rejected your advice in writing on subjects relating to the duties of your office, you do not furnish even prima facie evidence to support your charges. Instead of this, the weapons you have aimed at him recoil back upon yourself, and you stood self convicted of having in many instances travelled out of the bounds of your department, of having trespassed on the rights of the President, attempted to usurp his authority, and rejented upon suspicion' merely an honourable appointment,' decorously proffered,, as you have admitted, and which you consider as affording demonstrative proof of his confidence in your fidelity and capacity in public affairs.' If the President, without distrusting either your integrity or talents, but discovering that the difference of opinion which had arisen between you and himself, rendered it inconsistent with the public good that you should remain in the administration, proposed your acceptance of the mission instead of your office, at the same time intimating, with that decorum and moderation for which he is distinguished, his motives for desiring such a change. Upon what ground have you appealed to the people? They cannot partake of your suspicions,' because they do not know upon what grounds they rest; still less can they sympathize with you on account of your wounded pride, your boasted hopes, or your disappointed ambition. If because you could not overrule the measures of administration, you have quitted the service of your country, the people can feel no other interest in the affair than merely to ascertain the fitness of your suc

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