lavera's wars. I should say to myself: "there is a country that I want to invade ling print, seems fast sinking out of sight. The Comet has completely eclipsed him the Lottery people have dropped" and subdue, but it is strong and rich. I the latter and taken up the former as a "must first exhaust it: I must drain catch-word to their puffs. But, though" away its men and money: yet, how am the noble Viscount and his forces make "I to do this, for I cannot get at any of less noise in the hired news-papers than "its territories, and cannot meet its fleets formerly, they are, we may be assured, upon the sea? If I could get my mighty not less efficient upon the pay list: it does "armies to bear upon this country, I not require less expence, less taxation" could soon overwhelm it." How upon us, to keep them on foot, than it did should I bless my stars, if, in the midst many months ago. The people of Eng- of this difficulty, I was told of a scheme land sweat for the war in the Peninsula, for drawing the men out of this country whatever may be the pace at which that that I could not get at, to fight my arwar advances.The French are said to mies in a third country, to which I had be sending forward reinforcements. To access by land! And, should I not be a any extent I do not believe this to be most stupid politician, if I did not take true; and the reason why I do not be- care to feed and nurse such a war, until lieve it is, that recent events have shown my enemy should be completely exthat they have quite enough force already hausted; until all his ablest men had been. to keep the Lord Marshal Conde de Vi- killed, and a great part of his wealth exmiera from advancing, and even to push pended in a way never to return to him him back when necessary, and that it is again?These are my reasons for not manifestly the most foolish thing that believing that any very great reinforcNapoleon can do to put an end to the ments have been sent into Spain by Nawars of Talavera, which cost us so many poleon. An attack will, I dare say, be thousands of men and so many millions of made upon the Lord Marshal long before money every year; and which, though the end of the year; the French may, we have had many drains in our time, is perhaps, force him to retreat again to the the greatest that the country ever expelines of Torres Vedras, after having derienced. It must be the object of Napo- stroyed many thousands of his men and leon to exhaust England; to impoverish caused a monstrous expenditure on our her; to cause as many of her able men part. This is possible, and, if possible, it as possible to be killed; to cause the peo- will be done; but, if they drive our army ple to be weighed down by tax upon tax; back to their old lodgings, there they will to cause the paper-money to increase leave them for a while; nay, they will faster than in its natural progress; and, to invite them out again, as Massena did secure all this, what can equal the war in before; and thus they will keep up the the Peninsula?-We have never seen war, as long it suits their purpose. This Napoleon indulge his passions at the ex- they will do, if they can; and, yet, there pence of his interests. We have often are men, or, rather, two-legged brutes, in seen him patiently suffering what our England, to rejoice at what they deem the empty politicians, our miserable, petty, inability of the French to drive our army petulant crew of politicians called disgrace, out of Portugal!--More of this in my in order to be able to strike, at last, the next. heavy, the sure, the home, the mortal WM. COBBETT. blow. This we have seen in many instances; and, therefore, I see no reason why we should not conclude, that the prolonging of the war in the Peninsula, which is so clearly pointed out by his interest, does not make a part of his settled plan. For my own part, at any rate, I must do in this as in all similar cases; namely, judge of another's wishes by what would be my own; and, if I were in the place of Napoleon, especially if my ultimate object were to invade and subdue England or Ireland, I should deem it a great misfortune to see an end put to Ta An State Prison, Newgate, Friday, AMERICA. Address to ROBERT SMITH, late Secretary of State to the President, on his publications against the latter.. From the New York Public Advertiser, 30th July, 1811. To ROBERT SMITH, THE people of the United States, to whom you have appealed from the deci sion of their President, will not be ua. grateful to you for the compliment you performance is the extreme anxiety you have paid their understandings, in believ-have manifested to attract the favor of ing them capable of estimating the merits those who have charged the administraof the controversies, which have termi- tion with being under the controul or in nated in your resignation of the office of fluence of France. To the distempered Secretary of State.-Until enlightened by jealousy of these men you have furnished your address, they could perceive nothing the aliment upon which it lives. You in that resignation but the change of one have fanned anew the dying flames of minister for another; a change, which their political zeal, and furnished them even had it been made by the direct au- with weapons, compared with which those thority of the President, he would have wielded by Randolph and Pickering, are owed no account of to any human being. puny indeed. You have stooped to the Both the theory and the practice of our degradation of propitiating the resentment constitution recognize him, subject to the of these men by attempting to offer them negative of the Senate only, as the ulti- in sacrifice the immolated reputation of mate judge of the propriety and expe- Mr. Madison. But the victim is not yet diency of exercising this authority. Re- bound-the sacrifice is not yet completed, sponsible as he is for the conduct of his and public indignation steps in between ministers, to public opinion, and to the you and your intended victim. Nor will law, it is immaterial whether it be defect you succeed in conciliating the favour of of talent or integrity discovered in them, those who have repeatedly branded you or a mere difference of opinion on public with the foul imputation of being sold to men and public measures.; whether it be France, by attempting to prove that Mr. the detection of gross incapacity or dis- Madison is more of a Frenchman than honesty, or a variance in judgment upon yourself. Notwithstanding the ardent a phrase in a public letter, he is not bound zeal with which you have laboured to unto assign to his constituents the reasons dermine his well earned reputation, your and motives which may induce him to own conscience must tell you that subserdisplace one agent, and appoint another. viency and submission to France are not Still less does he owe an account of a the most flagrant errors of our policy.change effected by the voluntary resigna- The time was when you yourself could tion of an officer, over whose inclinations avow, that in aiming to wipe away this he can have no rightful controul. In such imputation, our government had inclined a case, it is for the officer himself, if he more to the views and interests of Britain, deems his personal griefs in any way than to those of France; and that in the connected with the public interests, to apo- comparative account current of injuries logize in the best mode in his power, for and insults, those inflicted by the former, deserting the service of his country. This greatly exceeded in amount, those retask you have undertaken to perform.ceived from the latter. No true American But instead of satisfactorily accounting for your resignation, which in my humble judgment you have failed to do, you have jovoked the attention of the people to a bill of accusation against Mr. Madison, which, though professing to be "a plain "unvarnished tale," is drawn with all the craftiness and subtility of a special pleader, and whatever credit it may reflect upon your head, dishonours your heart. The magnanimity of the people of this country has already pronounced judgment upon the rancorous malice which stains every page of your address, and which dwells with greedy delight upon the little imperfections of human nature developed in the unsuspecting momeuts of confidential intercourse, and published to the world as important items of presidential delinquency. Another of the features which mark your elaborate will pretend to justify or palliate the misconduct of France. Her policy towards this country has been not only extremely flagitious and unjust, but to the last degree foolish and absurd.-But our propensity has been rather to amplify and exaggerate, than rigorously to scan the nature of this injustice and this impolicy. All our ancient colonial ideas have been revived; and the anti-gallican prejudices of this country have never, since our independence, been more live and watchful. This pre-disposition of the public mind has been greatly strengthened by the reestablishment of despotism in France after the bright prospect which had appeared of its final extinction. The people have not unwisely concluded that the fruits of this bitter tree cannot be good, and they put no confidence in the professions of regard for the liberty of the seas coming from the man who has destroyed all the in- be found, or your conduct be imputed to stitutions of civil freedom within his reach. any other motive than the gratification of But do not suffer yourself to suppose, sir, the basest passion which disgraces human that though you have artfully availed nature.-You have stated that your difyourself of this state of public opinion, ferences of opinion with Mr. Madison reand though the offering you have made to spected certain public measures and pubthe malignant genius of federalism is more lic men. But you have not shewn what acceptable than the gift of your predeces- constitutional right you had to press upon sors in the path of apostacy, that therefore the president your opinions upon public your treachery will be more successful measures, and still less of nominations to than theirs. You were not born either to office, in which the senate are his sole create or destroy governments. If you constitutional advisers. He may indeed have stepped from your limited sphere of require the opinion in writing of the usefulness for the latter purpose, fatal ex"heads of the executive departments upon perience will soon convince you that you any subject relative to the duties of their have passed the bounds of your genius," offices." But for rejecting their opiand that you will never be able to rise to nions, delivered in any other mode, he is fame and power upon the ruins of that im- no wise constitutionally responsible. Unperishable monument of worth and ho- less then you can shew that Mr. Madison nour, erected with the labours of forty has, to the injury of the national rights years exclusively devoted to the public and interests, rejected your advice in service, decorated with all those accom- writing on subjects relating to the duties plishments which dignify human nature, of your office, you do not furnish even and unblemished by the stain of vice or prima facie evidence to support your the commotions of passion.-You state in charges. Instead of this, the weapons you the introduction to your letter that the have aimed at him recoil back upon yourproffered mission to Russia affords " de- self, and you stood self convicted of hav"monstrative proof of Mr. Madison's con- ing in many instances travelled out of the "fidence in you as to fidelity and as to bounds of your department, of having tres" capacity in public affairs." Whence passed on the rights of the President, atthen your griefs, and what the necessity of tempted to usurp his authority, and republicly disclosing collisions of opinion jented upon suspicion' merely an hobetween yourselves and the President;nourable appointment,' decorously profand those also touching our pending dif- fered,, as you have admitted, and which ferences with foreign powers? If the offer you consider as affording demonstrative of the mission manifested the President's opinion both of your integrity and talents in public business, whence the necessity of" obviating the honest misapprehensions "of some, and the wanton misrepresenta"tions of others," since Mr. Madison was to be ranked in neither of these classes? Did not the different important offices you had sustained under the government sufficiently imply the confidence which you had inspired? What man, what print had calumniated your character? The enemies of the administration alone honoured you with their reproaches, as they now dishonour you with their applause.-Mr. Madison had published no book to ruin your reputation-he had revealed to the world no confidential conversations of yours he had said nothing of your foibles, of your embarrassments and auk⚫ wardness your 'confusion' your 'perturbation your disquietude'your peevishness'-and of his own composure, and your want of it. Provocation there was none, nor can any justification proof of his confidence in your fidelity and capacity in public affairs.' If the President, without distrusting either your integrity or talents, but discovering that the difference of opinion which had arisen between you and himself, rendered it inconsistent with the public good that you should remain in the administration, proposed your acceptance of the mission instead of your office, at the same time intimating, with that decorum and moderation for which he is distinguished, his motives for desiring such a change. Upon what ground have you appealed to the people? They cannot partake of your suspicions,' because they do not know upon what grounds they rest; still less can they sympathize with you on account of your wounded pride, your boasted hopes, or your disappointed ambition. If because you could not overrule the measures. of administration, you have quitted the service of your country, the people can feel no other interest in the affair than merely to ascertain the fitness of your suc cessor for the situation to which he has been called. On this head they are satisfied that your place is amply supplied. Being thus satisfied, you will not be able to shake their well-grounded confidence in their President by such tales as you have yet told, or which your inventive faculty may hereafter compose. Edifying and amusing they undoubtedly will be to that faction who delight in the disgrace of their government and country-but they will excite in the breasts of honest and impartial men no other emotions but those of contempt and indignation. PHOCION. Letter from Mr. JEFFERSON, late President Washington, July 10, 1803. My Lord-I received through the hands of Mr. Lenox, on his return to the United States, the valuable volume you were so good as to send me on the life and writings of Fletcher of Salton. The political principles of that patriot were worthy of the purest periods of the British constitution. They are those which were in vigor at the epoch of the American emigration; our ancestors brought them here, and they needed little strengthening to make us what we are.— But in the weakened condition of English Whiggism, at this day, it requires more firmness to publish and advocate them than it did then to act upon them. This merit is peculiarly your lordship's, and no one honors it more than myself; freely admitting at the same time, the right of a nation to change its political principles and constitution at will; and the impropriety of any but its own citizens censuring that change. I expect your lordship has been disappointed, as I acknowledge I have been, in the issue of the convulsions on the other side of the channel, (in France.) This has certainly lessened the interest which the philanthrophist warmly felt in those struggles. Without befriending human liberty, a gigantic force has risen up which seems to threaten the world-but it hangs on the thread of opinion, which may break from one day to another.-I feel a real anxiety on the conflict in which your nation is again engaged, and bless the Almighty Being, who in gathering together the waters under the heavens into one place, divided the dry lands of your hemisphere forom the dry land of our's, and said; "here at least be there peace." I hope that peace and amity with all nations will long be the charter of our land, and that its prosperity, under this charter, will re-act on the mind of Europe, and profit her by the example. My hope of preserving peace for our country is not founded on the Quaker principle, of nonresistance under every wrong but in the belief that a just and friendly conduct on our part will procure justice and friendship from others, and that in the existing contest each of the combatants will find an interest in our friendship.-I cannot say we shall be unconcerned spectators of the and we wish the good of all. We shall combat. We feel for human sufferings look on therefore with the sensations which these dispositions and the events of the war will produce.-I feel a pride in the justice which your lordship's sentiments render to the character of my illustrious countryman, Washington. The moderation of his desires, and the strength of his judgment enabled him to calculate correctly, that the road to that glory which never dies, is to use power for the support of the laws and liberties of our country, not for its destruction, and his will accordingly survive the wreck of every thing now living. THO. JEFFERson. To the Earl of Buchan. ENGLAND AND AMERICA.—Order in Council, published in the Gazette of 7 Sept. 1811, relative to the American Commerce with the West Indies. 'It contains an order grounded on an Act of the 46th of his majesty, intituled "An Act for authorising his majesty in council to allow, during the present war, and six weeks after the ratification of a definitive treaty of peace, the importation and exportation of certain goods and commodities in neutral ships, into and from his majesty's territories in the West Indies and Continent of South America." By virtue of this Act, Orders in Council have been made at different periods, permitting the importation into the territories abovementioned of certain articles, goods, and commodities specified, for the most part the products of the United States, or of the fisheries of the same; but by this new Order, it is directed, that after the 1st of December, no importation of the undermentioned articles shall take place into For every quintal of dried or Wheat Flour per barrel, not On Bread or Biscuit of Wheat Flour, or any other Grain, per barrel, not weighing more than one hundred pounds net weight....... ... On Bread for every hundred On Flour or Meal made from Current Money in the United States of America, by proving, from actual experiments, the great advantage thereof to Agricul ture and Manufactures. By R. R. LIVINGSTON.-Printed by Order of the Legislature of the State of New York.-London, reprinted :-With a Preface and Explanatory Notes by WILLIAM CORbett. PREFACE. THE following work is, in my opinion, well calculated to be useful to any proprietor of sheep, and particularly to any one who is desirous of raising a flock of Merinos. It is, besides, full of curious matter, and the reading of it produces the pleasing effect of bringing us, as it were, 0 6 8 into a country, which we have only heard of before. But, that which most strongly recommended it to me, and which induced me to re-publish it, was, that it completely settled the very important question, name0 3 4 ly, whether the American States could dis- ́ pense with European Wool and Woollens; a question of very great interest to the world in general, and to England in particular. Having never seen, in any part of America, an assemblage of sheep wor4thy of the name of flock; and, having, from habit, always looked upon Grass Fields, and Downs and Turnip Fields as being indispensably necessary to the rearing and keeping of sheep in any considerable number, I gave it as my opinion, 03 and ninety-six pounds......... 0 3 4 about three years ago (when writing about On Peas, Beans, Rye, Indian Corn, Callivancies, or other 0 10 On Rice, for every one hundred pounds net weight 3 4 100 the then dispute with America), that the Americans never could do without wool from other countries, seeing that, for the want of winter herbage and turnip fields, which they could not have for feed, in winter, on account of the deep snows, they had it not in their power to keep sheep in number sufficient to supply them with a tenth part of the wool requisite for their various uses. But, upon reading a French work by C. P. LASTEYRIE, enti tuled "A History of the introduction of Spa"nish Sheep into the different States of Europe, &c. &c." I found that my notion of the absolute necessity of grass or turnip fields, in winter, was quite erroneous; and, that the very finest flock of sheep in all ............ 10 0 0 Europe, were kept. at house during five, For every twelve hundred (com- AN 0 15 0 ESSAY ON SHEEP, Intended chiefly to promote the introduction and propagation of Merinos |