sert below), demands some attention. The "They do not assert (and we are glad reader will perceive, that the City is here" that they have not repeated the lanfound fault with for having presented such 86 guage of the Americans and their advo

That alone would deserve" cates in this country) that Buonaparté "has really repealed one of his Decrees "against us, or that the Berlin and Milan

an Address. some notice; but, here is a defence, or, at least, an attempt at a defence, of the conduct of the Ministers in refusing to revoke" Edicts are not in as much force as they were the Orders in Council, and this must not "when they were first issued. To repeal our pass unnoticed."Undoubtedly his "Orders in Council, therefore, would not Royal Highness is aware of the causes "bring us a bit nearer the desired re-estab. "of scanty supplies from foreign parts; "lishment of commercial intercourse with "he is aware that his Ministers have no 'foreign nations; and of this his Royal "controul over them; that the measures Highness seems perfectly convinced. "they have adopted were measures strictly "He assures the City of London, "that "of defence, the necessity for which was "nothing shall be wanting on his part to "imposed upon them by the offensive decrees" contribute towards the restoration of "of the enemy, in which decrees, America,"commercial intercourse, whenever cir"the only neutral nation, either tacitly "cumstances shall make it practicable," "acquiesced or feebly and slowly opposed." or, in other words, whenever Buonaparté, "The City desire, though they do not say by really repealing his Decrees, shall prove "so directly, that the Orders in Council "to us, that he is himself desirous of such "should be repealed, and the usual chan- "restoration. But he must set the example "nels of foreign intercourse reopened. " of relaxation, because he set the example "No persons would be more willing to do "of severity. The initiative must pro"so than the Ministers: but there must be "ceed from him, and those who argue "two parties to the contract, and the City" otherwise, attempting to persuade the " of London have not informed us how we" people that our Orders in Council are "are to compel one of them to execute it.

I must always see with great concern the pressure arising from a deficiency in the harvest. I have directed such steps to be taken as may tend to give the earliest effect to any measures which may be adopted by Parliament, for the purpose of relieving the inconveniences or evils likely to result from such deficiency; and whenever circumstances shall make it practicable, nothing shall be wanting on my part to contribute towards the restoration of commercial intercourse between this country and other nations to the footing on which it has been usually conducted even in the midst of war.

"the causes of commercial distress, and "that their repeal would remove it, prac"tise a scandalous delusion upon the Coun«try.". No: it is you, and your like, who practise a scandalous delusion upon the country, in making attempts to cause them to believe the contrary; and to prove this be it now my task. It is said here, that the Ministers have no control over the causes which do, or may, prevent the supply of corn from foreign parts; and further, that, if the Orders in Council were repealed, that measure would not bring us a bit nearer the desired re-establishment of commercial intercourse with foreign nations.With regard to the first of these assertions, it may possibly be true, because we do not yet know, that the Americans have prevented, or will prevent, corn to be shipped for England. But, as to the second assertion, it is as destitute of truth as any thing that ever appeared even in this same Courier; for, what is it that prevents the free inter course with America now? What is it that has caused the prohibition of the entrance of English goods into the American States? Does not every one know that it is the existence of our Orders in Council? Is not the fact notorious? Is it not well known, that the President, by a Proclamation issued in November 1810, declared, that, if those Orders were not repealed by the 2nd day of February, 1811, the importa

be justified was perfectly original, as was the act itself. The pretext did, however, clearly imply, that, the Orders were to remain in force no longer than the Decrees. Indeed they could not, if they were to be considered as measures of retaliation. Whenever America complained of these Orders, which, in effect, cause war to be carried on against the American ships trading with France, as far as merchant ships can taste of war; whenever she complained of these Orders, we told

she could prevail upon Napoleon to repeal his decrees. She was told, that we were very anxious for that event; and that, in order to get rid of all difficulties as to which party should begin to repeal first,

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tion of English goods should cease; and, | The logic by which this was attempted to is it not notorious, that such importation did cease accordingly? And does not the President now declare, that this is the cause of the non-importation ?What assurance, then, must a man have to say, in a public print, that, if the Orders were repealed it would not bring us a bit nearer the desired re-establishment of commercial intercourse with foreign nations; unless, indeed, grown bold by the conquest of the Empire of Java, he does not regard America as a foreign nation, but as still being an appendage to the Mother Coun-her, that they should be revoked as soon as try?Here is America, at any rate; here is this great out-let for our goods; here is an out-let that took off one third part of the whole of our exports; here is this market cut off by the Orders in Council, and solely by them; and, as it would be in the power of the Ministers to repeal those Orders, to them the nation bas to look for responsibility on the subject. But, I shall be told, perhaps, that the Orders ought not to be repealed. That may be; but that is another question; and that question we will now discuss.I will first say, for myself, that of these Orders in Council I always disapproved; not, however, on account of the power that they caused to be exercised; but, on account of that power being exercised under pretext of retaliation against Napoleon, instead of meeting the hostility of the world in the shape of a right boldly declared to exercise a mastership on the sea; and I foresaw, and foretold, that, if ever Napoleon repealed his decrees, our ministers would find themselves compelled to break with America at a time less advantageous than at the time when the Orders were first issued. I was further of opinion, that such a power as the Orders gave would so distress the continent of Europe as to compel Napoleon to repeal his decrees and to suffer commerce to take its usual channel. this I was deceived. Experience has proved, that the continent is too safely in his hands, and that the privation of colonial and English goods can be borne with. But, experience, which makes fools wise, has, of course, had no effect upon men like our ministers. -The ministers went, not upon our right, generally, to exercise such a power upon the sea; but, upon the particular right of retaliation. They said to America: France has issued certain decrees detrimental to your commerce with us; and, therefore, we have issued Orders detrimental to your commerce with her.

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were to proceed step by step with France in the good work. Well, France did, at last, not only begin, but ended this work. Napoleon revoked his decrees, and then America called upon our ministers to do the same, agreeably to their repeated professions and promises. They did not repeal their Orders; and the consequence was, the execution of the non-importation act in America, which has assisted so materially to produce the present distress in the manufacturing towns in England. What, then, is the ground of justification, which this partizan of the ministers takes. Why, he says, that Napoleon has not revoked his Decrees, and that, therefore, our ministers are right in not repealing the Orders in Council. Thus the question is reduced to a mere point of fact; and where are we to look for satisfactory evidence of this fact, except in the declarations of the American ministers and government? The evidence that we have is as follows: Mr. Pinkney, then American minister in London, officially informed our government in August 1810, that he had received official information from the American minister at Paris, that the French decrees were revoked, and that the revocation was to be acted upon on the 2nd of November, 1810. Mr. Madison, upon receiving the same information, issued a Proclamation declaring the fact, and, at the same time declaring, as the law required him, that, if England did not revoke her Orders before the 2nd of February 1811, the non-importa tion Act would be put in execution as to English goods. Here, then, the fact was asserted first by an accredited minister in England; next in a proclamation by the President in America; next by an Act of

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Congress, put in force after the operation Mr. Gilbert Wakefield to Dorchester Jail of the revocation; and now in the speech for two years, was, that he accused "the of the President, after a year's observa- great Statesman now no more" of intion and experience; for, he says, in this sincerity in his overtures to treat for peace Speech: "it was hoped, that the succes- with the French Republic. And, are we "sive confirmations of the extinction of the to suppose, that other governments are to & French decrees, so far as they violated be accused of lies and bypocrisy without "our neutral commerce, would have in- moving their gall? Is no government but "duced Great Britain to repeal its Orders our own to be supposed to have any feel"in Council." And, after all this, the ing?-At this rate, there can never be fact is denied, and that denial is made the any peace between us and America; for, ground of a refusal to repeal the Orders it is perfect nonsense to treat with a goin Council! Yes, we are still coolly told, vernment, upon whose declarations you that it is for Buonaparté to begin repeal place no reliance. There can be no acing; and that then we will follow his ex- commodation while this pretension to be ample!This really is too impudent. the sole judge of the veracity of the AmeWe know better than the President and rican government is asserted. It has, inthe Congress whether their commerce be deed, been distinctly asserted only in our still subjected to the French decrees! We venal news-papers, as yet; but it must be are the only judges of the fact whether distinctly abandoned, in acts, at least, bethey be still injured in this respect by the fore any accommodation can possibly take French? They are to see with our eyes place. So much for the revocation of and hear with our ears! This is acting the the French Decrees; but this writer is Mother country to some tune. We will quite wide of the mark. He seems to supbelieve nothing and nobody. We our- pose that the only ground, upon which selves are the sole judges of what is true our ministers refuse to repeal the Orders and what false in the whole world. We in Council. This, however, is not the not only claim the right of judging for case; for, it appears from the President's ourselves, but that of judging for America Speech, that, if our ministers were to also. She is to believe or disbelieve as acknowledge the revocation of the we dictate and, though a fact comes French Decrees, they are by no means Vouched by a declaration of the President prepared to repeal the orders. They and by a law of the Congress, we, without have taken entirely new ground, and say, the smallest ceremony, treat it as a notori that they will not repeal till our goods ous falshood. This is what our venal prints, are permitted to be carried by neutrals, and the one above-quoted, has done; and, into the ports now shut against them. The indeed, this is what our government does, President says, that it was, with the Engif it refuses to admit that the French lish government," an indispensible condecrees, as far as they related to Ame- "dition of the repeal of the Orders in rica, are really revoked.-Does the "Council, that commerce should be rereader think, that this is calculated to "stored to a footing, that would admit the conciliate America? Does he think, that" productions and manufactures of Great this is the way to re-open the chan-Britain, when owned by neutrals, into nels of commercial intercourse with neu- "markets shut against them by the tral nations? Does he think that the "enemy." That is to say, that, though Americans will brook such an affront, France does repeal her Decrees, we will than which it is impossible to offer a not repeal our Orders, unless Napoleon pergreater? it is telling the whole world, that mits neutral ships to carry our goods into the Chief Magistrate and the Legislature the countries out of which he now shuts of the United States are both liars and hy- them; though France does cease to propocrites, and the basest of hypocrites, too; hibit America from trading with England, because the object of the lie must be to the latter will not permit America to trade disguise facts, which, if acknowledged, with France, unless Buonaparté will rewould call upon them for measures of re- ceive English goods, though the means of sistance.- -What would our government neutrals. So that we here punish America say, if their solemn declarations were thus because France has established such intreated by America? Nay, what would ternal regulations are as injurious to our prothey say to one of us, if we were so to treat duce and manufactures, though, as to those their declarations? One of the charges in regulations, America has neither the power the Ex Officio Information which sent nor the right to interfere.And, does

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the reader believe, that we shall get our have before seen the new constitution end? Does he believe, that America will formed in the Caraccas, and, I trust, they be able, or, indeed, that she will endea- have seen it with great satisfaction. It vour, to prevail upon Napoleon to abandon was not, however, to be expected, that such the Continental System? Yet this is ma- a change would be accomplished without nifestly what the answer of the Prince troubles and bloodshed. There always Regent alludes to, when he talks of a are so many persons so deeply interested change of circumstances. He says, that in preventing the putting down of an old he shall be ready to contribute" towards system of sway, and especially such an "the restoration of commercial inter- one as existed in the Caraccas; there are course between this country and other so many persons, who, when stripped of "nations to a footing on which it has been what they got from the public resources, usually conducted even in the midst of war." may as well cease to exist at once, that it Yes, but where is the power, or where the is never to be expected, that they will right, to make the French abandon their yield without a desperate struggle; and, custom house regulations? What should we as they will seldom fail to have a consisay, if any nation were to demand of us derable number of dependents and parto give up any part of our prohibitions or tizans, who, more or less, partake in their seizures or confiscations? What should fall, the struggle will seldom fail to prowe say to any nation who should dare to duce some bloodshed.It was stated, interfere with us in the execution of our sometime ago, that Miranda, the Comsouggling laws? What should we say to mander in Chief, had taken possession of an American envoy who should make to New Valencia, and it now appears, that us any proposition having that object in there has been a formidable conspiracy, view? "The footing on which it has the object of which was to wrest it out of "usually been conducted." Aye, but the hands of the Republicans. The gothere is no principle in the law of nations vernor of the place, under the date of Sept. that forbids the exclusion of English pro- 6th, writes thus to General Miranda. duce and manufactures from other coun- "It gives me extreme pain to inform you, tries. Every sovereign has a right to admit, that last night a conspiracy broke out or not admit, whatever goods he pleases" in this city, the object of which was to into his states, unless he be under some par- "overturn the Authorities lately estaticular engagement with regard to such ad- "blished, and again to place Valencia in mission or non-admission. We punish Ame-" the hands of the enemies of the cause of rica because she does not force France" independence.-The number of infatuto suffer English goods to enter the conti- "ated persons engaged in this detestable nent of Europe; but, what should we say plot has not been ascertained; but at of Napoleon, if he were to punish America" I present more than 200 are in confinefor not forcing England to admit Frenchment, many of them persons of the goods into this kingdom?--But, the highest trust and distinction. It should thing is too plain to admit of further illus "seem, that by means of bribery many tration. It is a mere question of power; "of the troops that had sworn allegiance we are able to seize American vessels" to the General Congress, notwithstandtrading with the French Empire, and we "ing the benefits they had derived under ⚫ seize them. If any one thinks that this is" its Government, were induced to disregood policy, let him say so; but, let no gard their oath, and abandon their duty, one attempt to justify the measure by the" and even the guards of the palace were miserable means that the above writer has parties to the conspiracy. The 13th, resorted to. Time will shew what the 22d, and 23d regiments of infantry, and effect of the measure will be; but, I am the 27th of cavalry, however, remained of opinion, that there are few men of any "faithful to their officers.-At midnight information to be found, who expect it the palace was attacked, when these to produce a restoration of trade to the gallant troops flew to their arms, and continent of Europe or that of North" with unexampled intrepidity put to America. "death a few conspirators who had scaled "the walls, and with fixed bayonets efCARACCAS. -The adherents of the old "fectually resisted the entrance of sevegovernment in this country appear to be "ral thousands who had forced the gates. making desperate efforts to prevent the "This dreadful contest continued for the establishment of freedom. My readers" space of an hour, when the triumph of

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