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circumstances attending his return to office in 1804, deprived him of the support of the ablest and most respectable of his friends, and in his second administration he

was re

duced to shifts and difficulties to maintain his authority. The disas. trous termination of his last coali. tion against France, had lessened considerably, at the time of his death, the public confidence in his administration, but the general opinion of his merits and past services, was little, if at all, affected by these misfortunes.

We proceed, in the next place, to give an account of the public honours rendered to his memory.

On Monday, January 27, Mr. H. Lascelles moved, in the house of "That an humble adcommons, dress be presented to his majesty, that his majesty will be graciously pleased to give directions that the remains of the right honourable William Pitt be interred at the public expence, and that a monument be erected in the collegiate church of St. Peter, Westminster, to the of that excellent statesman, memory with an inscription expressive of the public sense of so great and irreparable a loss; and to assure his majesty, that this house will make good the expences attending the

same."

This motion was seconded by the marquis of Titchfield, and supported by lord Lovaine, Mr. I. H. Browne, Mr. H. Addington, sir R. Buxton, general Tarleton, lord Temple, Mr. R. Ryder, Mr. Rose, lord Castlereagh, and Mr. Wilber

force.
It was opposed by lord
Folkestone, Mr. William Smith,
Mr. Pytches, the marquis of
Douglas, Mr. Windbam, Mr. G.

Ponsonby, and Mr. Fox.
numbers on a division were,
For Mr. Lascelles' motion
Against it

Majority

The

258

89

169

The chief arguments for the mo-
tion, were the great merits, splendid
talents, and important public ser-
vices, of the eminent character to
whom it related, and these points
were illustrated
length by some of the members who
supported the motion.

at considerable

It was objected, on the other side, that it was not customary to confer public honours, unless where merit had been conjoined with success; and, it was urged that no example, but one, could be found, where such honours had been conferred on a statesman, and in that instance (that of lord Chatham) the success as well as the merit was indisputable.

"If I were to divide (said Mr. Windham) the whole of the politi cal life of the distinguished person here spoken of, into two distinct periods, one the period before the breaking out of the French revolution, and the other the period subsequent to that event, and that I were called to declare, that either separately, or both conjointly, were of a sort to call for the honours now proposed, or to justify the character ascribed in the resolution, of "An excellent Statesman," İ must say,

"No." I have no wish to bring forward my opinion in that respect at the present moment, but when compelled to declare myself, I must say what I think: I cannot consent to pronounce an opinion different from what I think the true one, and thus to contribute to mis.

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lead both the present time and posterity, on a period of our history which it is most important for them to judge rightly of. With the fullest acknowledgment, both of the talents and virtues of the eminent man in question, I do not think, from whatever cause it has proceeded, that his life has been beneficial to his country. For the earlier part of it, including the commencement of his power, I must contradict every principle that I ever maintained, if I said that it was so. For the succeeding period, the greatest in which a statesman was ever called to act, I cannot say that he acted his part greatly. I do not judge merely from the event; though the event, for the present purpose, might be all that need be considered. The French revolution was, indeed a storm, in which vessels the best formed, and constructed with the greatest skill, might easily founder: but, what I mean to say, is, that in my opinion the vessel was not conducted with the greatest skill, and that it is in all human probability, to the fault of the pilot, that we are to ascribe our present fearful situation!"

"Public honours, (said Mr. Fox) are matters of the highest importance, because they must more or less influence posterity. They ought not, therefore, to be conferred lightly, but only where merit is clearly seen and acknowledged. Certainly, when I look at lord Chatham's monument, when I find the inscription bearing upon the face of it, the grounds upon which this monument was voted, when I find it there stated, that he had reduced the power of France to a very low ebb, and raised the prosperity of his country to a very high

1

pitch, I must say that this case can never be compared with that of Lord Chatham. I must say, that the country at present is reduced to the most dangerous and alarming situation-a situation which might call for any thing rather than honours to be conferred upon him who had the direction of the measures that brought it to this state. In deciding upon the present question, I should be unwilling to take any one particular act of the administration of the late minister, I have always thought, and do still think, that an unfortunate system of government has pervaded the whole of the present reign; and I firmly believe that system to have been the cause of all the disasters and disappointments, which the country has experienced, almost uniformly, throughout the whole course of it. Being of this opinion, how can I conscientiously say, that he who followed this system was an "excellent statesman." Thinking as I do of the disastrous effects of that system, I cannot but accuse the late minister of having, I will not say criminally, (for the expression might sound in some ears too harsh) but, most unfortunately, lent his brilliant talents and his commanding eloquence, to the support of it. In having done so, and with the knowledge he must have had of it, I esteem him the more culpable, as without that splendour of mental endowment, which enabled him to throw a veil over the hideous deformity of the system alluded to; I am firmly persuaded, that it could not have resisted the attacks made upon it, and consequently could not have existed, and spread its baneful influence half so long. No man can be more de

sirous than I am, to bury in oblivion the remembrance of those contests in which we were so long engaged. This I shewed plainly enough while he was alive. But I sannot consent to confer public honours, on the ground of his being an "excellent statesman," on the man, who, in my opinion, was the sole, certainly the chief supporter of a system, which I had been early taught to consider as a bad one."

Lord Castlereagh said, in reply to Mr. Fox," that upon the arguments of that honourable gentleman, in opposition to this motion, it was not his intention to reason. This, in fact, was not a question to be determined by argument, it was quite a question of, feeling. The acquiescence of that house and the country, in such a proposition, was more to be looked for from intuitive feeling thau from cold reason; and if that feeling did not exist, it was vain to think of arguing men into it. But, although the support of the honourable gentlemen on the other side was not to be calculated upon, he had no doubt that the motion would be adopted. Indeed, he felt confident that it would. The house would act inconsistently with its own opinion, repeatedly expressed, if it hesitated to recognize the merit-if it declined to distinguish the memory of Mr. Pitt."

Mr. Wilberforce rose "to bear testimony to the great public virtues, and splendid talents of Mr. Pitt, in whom he declared the love of country was to be found as sincere and ardent as ever yet existed in any human bosom. With regard to the assertion, that success was a proper criterion by which to appreciate the merit of a great man, the honoura

ble gentleman reprobated the idea, as inconsistent with wisdom and justice. But, if the character of Mr. Pitt were to be tried by that rule, where were we to look among. the great men of ancient or modern times, for any who had stronger claims to the gratitude and respect of their country, than those which could be advanced in favour of that illustrious personage. When the revolutionary spirit had convulsed France, and alarmed the whole civilized world, that distinguished statesman completely succeeded, by the vigour and sagacity of his measures, in preventing that dreadful plague from reaching us. This was the main source of his distinction— this was the great pedestal of his fame."

The opposition of Mr. Windham to this motion, whatever opinion men may entertain of the soundness of his argument, must appear to all a striking illustration of the manliness and firmness of his character. Disapproving of the motion, he could not bring himself to give a silent vote upon it, or to absent himself from the debate, though perfectly aware, that the part he felt it his duty to take in the discussion, would give, as it did, the greatest possible offence to all the personal friends, and to many of the political admirers of Mr. Pitt. The speech of Mr. Fox was feeling and conciliatory, and though he opposed the motion on the same grounds with Mr. Windham, he had the good fortune to incur no part of the obloquy from the friends of the late minister, that fell, most unjustly, on the latter for his conduct on this occasion.

A few days after Mr. Lascelles' motion, Mr. Cartwright moved, (Feb.

(Feb. 3.) that a sum, not exceeding 40,000l. should be voted for the payment of Mr. Pitt's debts, which motion was carried without opposition.

At a meeting of the common council of London, on the 6th of

February, it was moved, that a monument be erected in Guildhall, to perpetuate the memory of Mr. Pitt, and after some debate the question was carried by a majority-Ayes 77, Noes 71-Majority 6.

СНАР.

CHAP. II.

State of the Ministry on Mr. Pitt's Death-Lord Hawkesbury refuses to undertake the Government, but accepts the Cinque-Ports-Lord Grenville has an Audience of his Majesty-Reflections on the result of it-Component Parts of the New Administration-New Opposition-Old Opposition-Lord Sidmouth's Party--The Catholic Question-Lord Grenville has a second Audience of his Majesty-Difficulty started about the ArmyThird Audience—New Administration finally settled-New Cabinet —Mr. Fox declines being first Lord of the Treasury-Auditorship of the Exchequer Bill-Debates on the Lord Chief Justice being appointed to a Seat in the Cabinet-Disposition of the Court and Country towards the New Ministry-Opposition of the Ex-ministers-Imperfect Union of the Parties composing the New Ministry-Reflections on the Coalition be tween Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox.

IT was doubtful, if Mr. Pitt had lived, whether the administration over which he presided, could have gone on, without some radical change in its composition, or some material addition to its strength. The principle of exclusion, on which it had been originally founded, was odious and unpopular, and the late misfortunes on the continent, had diffused a very general opinion over the country, that some essential change was necessary in the con. duct of our foreign affairs, in order to extricate us from the unprece dented difficulties in which we were involved. But, whatever might have happened if Mr. Pitt had survived, his death at so critical a juncture, was considered as a vir tual dissolution of the administration. His colleagues were men of VOL. XLVIII.

little weight or consideration in the
country. Small account was made of
their talents or experience, and
since the affair of lord Melville, the
reputation in which they stood for
integrity was far from being clear.
If they were not peculators them-
selves, they were regarded by the
public as abettors and defenders of
peculation. If they had not ventur-
ed openly to justify that offence,
they had endeavoured to extenuate
its guilt, and to screen from punish-
ment those accused of it.
sides the want of public confidence
in these ministers, they were disu-
nited and without a head. As they
were connected together by no pub.
lic principle, or party attachment, no
sooner had the death of their patron
dissolved the only tie that united
them, than symptoms of disunion
C

But, be

and

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