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and disagreement appeared amongst
them. Many respectable indivi-
duals broke off from them entirely,
and went over to the opposition.
Old jealousies and animosities re-
vived between their leaders, which
they had suppressed in Mr. Pitt's
life time but not extinguished. The
general good of their party was sa
crificed to the private interests and
resentments of individuals. Instead
of keeping together and acting in a
body, they split into factious, which
regarded one another with aversion
and distrust, and took their mea-
sures separately, without concert or
cooperation. So little were they
actuated by party principle, or dis-
posed to make common cause with
one another, that every little fac-
tion, into which they were divided,
was ready to conclude a separate
bargain for itself, and to accept of
office under any administration
without a stipulation for its asso-
ciates. It contributed not a little
to this disunion and dispersion
of their party, that while many com-
petitors appeared for the place of
leader, there was no person be-
longing to the party, so pre-eminent
for his station or abilities, as to be
raised by general consent to that dis.
tinguished situation. But, without
a leader capable of inspiring confi-
́dence, and of maintaining a due com-
munication between the members of
the party, it was obviously impos.
sible they should long act together
in concert. In circumstances so dis-
couraging and so unpromising of suc-
cess, it is
not wonderful, that
the surviving members of Mr. Pitt's
administraion resigned to their op-
ponents the reins of government
without a struggle, and even refused
to take charge of them when press-
ed to it by the court.

But, though the ministers were disposed to give way to the general cry of the nation, for an administration on a comprehensive basis, including all the men of the greatest talents, character and experience in the country, the court was steady to its principle of governing by the strict letter of the prerogative, and of resisting with firmness the invasions of party on what it considered its indubitable rights. To secure to the crown the free and uncontroled nomination of the ministers of the country, and to defeat the attempts of opposition to exercise through parliament an indirect negative on its choice of the persons employed in the administration of public affairs, had been objects pursued by the court with equal perseverance and ability, during the whole of the present reign. Though obliged on some occasions to yield and consult the wishes of parliament and of the nation, in the selection of its ministers, yet by dextrously availing itself of the mis takes and jealousies of public men, and by seizing on favourable opportunities for trying its strength on the question, its efforts had been, in general, successful. The ground

which at one time it lost, it never failed to recover at some future period, and at length it had established a prevailing opinion in the nation, that in the exercise of this, the most important of its prerogatives, the crown ought to be absolute, and without control. The last victory which it had gained on this subject, was in 1804, when by detaching one of the parties in opposition from the others, it broke the strength, and disappointed the expectations of those to whom it was most hostile, and extricated itself from

every difficulty by the sacrifice struggle on the part of the crown of a small part only of its friends,- than any period that had occurred a sacrifice which it thought since the end of the American war. amply compensated by the defeat The country was alarmed with the and disappointment of its enemies. dangers of its situation, disgusted But, it too clearly foresaw, that to with the juggle practised on it in make overtures, on the present oc- 1804, and clamorous against a casion, to the leaders of opposition, patched up administration, compos. for their advice in forming a new ed of subalterns and clerks. Great administration, was to relinquish the and immediate advantages were advantages of the victory it had at universally expected from a change that time gained; and perilous as of system and union of parties. To was the state of the country, it de- frustrate these expectations by an termined to embark in a contest obstinate resistance to the wishes of with opposition, rather than give the people was a hazardous attempt, up a point, which it esteemed of while to comply with their inclina. such importance to its dignity and tions and gratify them with such a interest. An offer was therefore change of ministry as they unanimade to lord Hawkesbury of the mously called for, was sure to conoffices and situation vacant by the ciliate their aflections. Nor could death of Mr. Pitt. This dazzling it escape an attentive observer of proposition, flattering as it was, the usual course of popular opinion, deprived not the noble secretary that the most effectual expedient of his habitual prudence. Fully for destroying the influence and sensible of the value of the gift, but popularity of opposition was to inaware also of the difficulties and re-vest them, for a short time, with the, sponsibility attached to it, he re- insignia of power. To fulfil the quested to have some time for deli- expectations of the public by resberation. Had the circumstances toring the country to its former of the moment been less unfavour- eminence abroad, the court well able, he would probably have caught knew, in the present posture of with eagerness at the high situation affairs on the continent, was utterly proposed to him; and, had he ac- impracticable. Such reforms as cepted of it, such is the prodigious influence of the crown, when exerted in good earnest, and managed with ability, that, unless he had fallen a victim to unfounded fears, or a sacrifice to antiquated scruples, or suffered from the treachery of some associate, who had access to the royal ear, he could hardly have failed to maintain himself in his post against all the efforts of opposition, however numerous, respectable and popular. But the present time was less favourable for such a

were expected from the past language and declarations of opposition, it could easily frustrate and prevent, without any visible interference. For, without the cordial support of the crown, or such an ebullition of zeal on the part of the people, as it would be neither rea sonable to expect nor prudent to excite, no ministry could succeed in the herculean task of reforming abuses, unless by steps the most slow and gradual; and, while more pressing objects, of no less intrinsic importance to the country, were at C 2

tainable

tainable by its exertions, a patriotic to reward past services either in

ministry would not, in such circumstances, hastily embark in extensive plans of reform, when success was hopeless, miscarriage ruinous and destructive. But, if the public should be disappointed on these important subjects, and shocked with any appearance of tergiversation or even of delay in the conduct of its favourites, it required no great sagacity to foresee, that the current of popular opinion, now so strong in favour of opposition, would change with proportional violence to an opposite direction.

Influenced by such considerations, and deterred by the state of his party from adopting any hazardous resolution, lord Hawkesbury, after consulting with his friends, declined to take upon himself the government of the country. His refusal, when made known to the public, communicated universal satisfaction, and men were disposed to give him credit for forbearance and self denial as well as for prudence, till they were informed, that he had obtained for himself a grant of the wardenship of the Cinque-Ports, and had procured the warrant, conferring on him that lucrative appointment, to be passed with unusual expedition through the public offices, as if he were afraid that it might be stopped and the propriety of the grant questioned by his successor. Such haste on his part, the public allowed, was not unwise, for much might have been urged against the grant of this sinecure to a person in lord Hawkesbury's situation. Sinecure places of emolument, it was said, could be justified on no other principle, than as enabling govern ment to supply the deficiency of salary in places of real business, or

the person of him who performed
them or of his representatives.
Without the prospect of such a
provision, men of talents, unless
possessed also of competent fortune,
might be discouraged from embark-
ing in the service of the state; and,
therefore sinecure places, when
given away with a strict attention
to these principles, were to be con-
sidered, not as a lavish and useless
expenditure of public money, but
as a recompence for services, which
would not otherwise be so well per-
formed. But, which of these pleas,
it was asked, could be applied to
the case of lord Hawkesbury? By
declining the danger and responsi-
bility of the government, he took
away all pretences to the first; and
with regard to the second, the
public inquired, what had been the
merits of lord Hawkesbury, or of
his family, that entitled him to one
of the most valuable sinecures the
crown had left to bestow? Was it
for having made, or for having
broken the peace of Amiens? Was
it for his own, or for his father's
services, that he was so well reward-
ed?

Was one large sinecure so in
adequate a recompence for his ser-
vices, that another and a greater one
must be added to it? His father, it
was true, had been in office during .
the greater part of his life, but during
the same period he had risen from
the condition of a private gentleman
with a moderate income, to a splen-
did fortune and a peerage.
The
noble lord himself had been brought
forward at an early period of life in
the public service, and had ever since
enjoyed high and lucrative situations
under the crown. At the age of
thirty he had been secretary of
state for foreign affairs, and though

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removed from that office on account of the unpopularity of his administration, he had been recompensed for his loss with the seals of the home department. Whatever view was taken by the public of his past life and services, no reason could be found for conferring on him so distinguished a mark of the royal favour. Was it said in justification of this transaction, that the ministers going out of office were under no obligation to consult the interest of their successors; and that in a party view, taking party in its most grovelling acceptation as a mere scramble for places and emolu ments, it was unreasonable to expect, they should leave so lucrative an appointment to their opponents? It might be answered, that not only did this plea ill accord with the disinterested professions of the old ministers, and with their declara. tions, that they had no thoughts of engaging in opposition, nor intention of harassing or disturbing any government his majesty might appoint; but why, in that case, not give the appointment to lord Eldon, by which means his pension might have been saved to the public, or to lord Chatham, whose moderate fortune required some addition to his intome, and whose near relationship to the late minister gave him a claim to some remuneration from the public, as the representative of his brother, whose life and talents had been devoted to its service?

The wardenship of the CinquePorts having been in this manner disposed of, and every attempt to form an administration from the wreck of the late ministry having proved unsuccessful, his majesty was at length advised to call in the assistance of lord Grenville. A

message was conveyed to his lordship on the 26th of January, by lord Dartmouth, desiring his attendance at Buckingham House on the following day. Lord Grenville having obeyed the summons, was graciously informed by his majesty, that he had been sent for, to consult with about the formation of a new ministry; to which he is said to have replied, with proper acknowledgments for so distinguished a mark of his majesty's confidence, that his majesty was already in possession of his sentiments on that subject; he was convinced, that an administration, to be of any effectual service to the country, must not be formed on an exclusive principle, but must comprehend all the leading men of the country. His majesty having graciously replied, that it was his wish to have lord Grenville's opinion, who ought to be included in such administration, his lordship is said to have answered, that he felt it his duty thus early in the business to apprize his majesty, that the person he should consult with on the subject was Mr. Fox. "I thought so and I meant it so," is said to have been his majesty's most gracious reply.

Many were the reflections and conjectures to which this answer gave rise. They who recollected the result of a similar audience in 1804, could not conceal their surprize and wonder at so different a conclusion to the present. Could his majesty, they asked, have changed in so short a time the opinion which he was then said to have entertained of Mr. Fox, as from his gracious answer to lord Grenville it was most natural to infer? But, in that case, what were the causes, to which so great C 3

and

and sudden a change of opinion an administration, would in their could reasonably be attributed? hands, it was obvious, consist of Was not the difference of result, in what were called the new and the the last audience, rather to be as- old opposition. The new opposicribed to the difference of charac- tion, which looked to lord Grenter in the negotiator, than to any ville as its leader, was composed of change of sentiment in the royal the whig families, (with the exception breast? Was it not owing to the of the house of Bentinck) which known firmness and honour of lord had separated from Mr. Fox at the Grenville's character, that his ma- beginning of the revolutionary war, jesy was advised to make so gra- in order to support the measures cious an answer, without first at- adopted by government at that critempting, what was known to be tical period, together with the perimpracticable, to detach him from sonal friends and family connexions Mr. Fox? Was it not, therefore, of lord Grenville, and many persons owing to the greater flexibility of of rank and talent throughout the character of the person his majesty kingdom, who from confidence in had to deal with in 1804, that the the abilities and integrity of that public expectations were at that time nobleman, had attached themselves disappointed? Or, was it true, as to his party. The old opposition some persons have insinuated, that consisting of those whigs, who, unthe result of that celebrated audi- dismayed by the French revolution, ence was privately settled, before had stood by Mr. Fox in his oppothe ostensible negotiator entered the sition to the late war, and had recloset, by the mediation of a noble mained steadily attached with him, lord, whose station gave him access to what they conceived to be to the royal ear, and who was sus- the true principles of liberty, during pected of having recently availed the whole of that eventful period. himself of that advantage against a To this part of opposition also beminister by whom he was trusted? longed the friends of the late marThese are points on which as we quis of Lansdowne, and the great. cannot form, so we presume not to er part of those, who in the late offer an opiniou. Such were the war had been the advocates of peace surmizes and conjectures current and reform. With this branch also of in the political world at the period opposition may be classed the perof which we treat. It is our duty sons more particularly connected to repeat them, and to leave to fu- with Carlton House, the politics ture historians the task of disengag- of which were at this period in the ing the truth from falsehood, and of most perfect unison with the opiclearing up what is at present ob- nions of Mr. Fox. Of the two scure in these transactions. branches of opposition, the old was the most popular with the great body of the nation; the new had most the confidence of men of rank

It was now the business of lord Grenville and Mr. Fox to prepare the plan of an administration, which they could recommend to their sovereign, as adequate to the present exigencies and expectations of the country. The basis of such

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and property. But the united strength of both did not exceed 150 members in the house of commons, a number, which though perfectly

sufficient

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