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sufficient for undertaking the government of this country, when accompanied by the cordial support of the crown, is far from being equal to that service, when destitute of this advantage. To have become responsible for the administration of public affairs, with such inadequate means for carrying their mea. sures into effect, would have argued extreme rashness and precipitaney on the part of Mr. Fox and lord Grenville, and would have been, in fact, to have delivered themselves up, bound hand and foot, into the power of thec ourt, without reserving the means of future résistance or defence. It was, therefore, highly expedient, if not absolutely necessary for them, to look out for some third party, by the assistance of which they might strengthen their government in the house of commons. But, the only quarters from which additional strength could be procured, were either from the late ministers or from the friends of lord Sidmouth. Many reasons concurred for giving a preference to the latter. The friends of the late ministers were so dispersed and disunited, that without bringing back the whole party to office, little aid could be expected from them, as no individual among their leaders had any number of followers, on whose attachment he could certainly reckon. The friends of lord Sidmouth, on the contrary, were united under a single head, and would form no inconsiderable accession of strength to the administration.

The late ministers had, with the single exception of one man of talents, been raised to situations above their deserts, and would not, it was supposed, be inclined to accept of inferior offices. But, among

the friends of lord Sidmouth were many excellent men of business, qualified for the subordinate employments of government, and not prevented from accepting them, by having filled higher situations. The ex-ministers were the authors of the late calamitous coalition, which had sealed the final doom of the continent, and if they were pledged to any public principle, it was to resist every inquiry into domestic abuses. But, lord Sidmouth had been dismissed from office by these very men, because his friends would not support them in their attempts to screen lord Melville from public trial, and it was to the inquiries set on foot in his lordship's administration, that all the discoveries of peculation were justly to be attri buted. The government of lord Sidmouth had been frugal and economical. That of the late ministers had been distinguished by its prodigality and immoderate expence. Lord Sidmouth was favourably disposed towards peace. The ex-ministers breathed a spirit of eternal war. The popularity of lord Sidmouth in the country, though greatly lessened, was still considerable. His influence at court was not tinguished; though, we believe, that his present accession to the ad ministration of Mr. Fox and lord Grenville gave a most fatal blow to his interest in that quarter. In ad. dition to all these reasons for preferring a connection with lord Sidmouth to a coalition with the ex-ministers, it was understood, that the introduction of lord Sidmouth into the cabinet was a measure not unacceptable at Carlton House.

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The most specious objection to the admission of lord Sidmouth into the ministry, was founded on the C4 opinions

opinions he was known to entertain of the catholic claims; and if there had been any intention of bringing that subject into immediate discussion, or any probability of being able to bring it forward in parliament as a ministerial question, there can be no doubt that the objection would have been conclusive. But, unfortunately, lord Sidmouth was not singular in his opinions upon that matter. His majesty's objections to any further concession to his catholic subjects were unabated, and as they were founded on scruples of a religious nature, they were considered by those who best knew his character, to be wholly ins urmountable. But, while his majesty's scruples remained in force, it seemed to be, and was in fact, of little importance what part lord Sidmouth was disposed to take in the question, should it happen ever to come into discussion while he was in office. The real point to be considered, was, not whether Mr. Fox and lord Grenville ought to take lord Sidmouth into their adminis. tration, knowing his opinion of the catholic claims to be diametrically opposite to theirs, but whether they ought to come into office at all, without some express stipulation with their sovereign for redress of grievances to the catholics. In other words, when they foresaw that it would be impossible for them, by going into office, to carry the question of catholic emancipation, ought they not to have continued in opposition? The determination of this as of most other points of practical wisdom, where a balance must be struck between opposite inconveniences, ought to depend, in a great degree, on the collateral circumstances of the moment, It was

clear, that lord Grenville and Mr. Fox had better remain out of office, than forfeit the confidence of the catholics, and leave that numerous and powerful body, full of indignation and resentment against all parties in England, to fall a prey to the arts and machinations of France. No good that could possibly result from their administration, would compensate so great an injury to their country. But, if the catholics were willing to postpone the discussion of their claims to another season, and disposed not to petition again the same parliament, which had so recently refused to hearken to their complaints, was it necessary for Mr. Fox and lord Grenville to stand out upon a question, which they knew it was impossible for them at that moment to carry, and which those most deeply interested in its success were ready to defer till a more favourable opportunity? Important as they judged catholic emancipation to the welfare and safety of the state, was there no other service they could perform to their country? Was it not worth trying, whether peace was unattainable? Experience had shown that every effort to reduce the power of France upon the continent, had endedțin'her further aggrandisement, and that the continuance of the war served only to increase the danger and difficulty of peace. A greater good could not be rendered to England and to the world, than the res toration of general tranquillity, and preservation of peace, though for a few years only. Was the probable chance of being able to confer so great a blessing on mankind, to be lightly, or without the most urgent necessity, thrown away? If complete emancipation could not be procured

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procured for the catholics, their subordinate grievances might be redressed by a constant succession of measures for their benefit, and their affections might be conciliated and their attachment to England increased, by a fair participation of all the honours, distinctions and emoluments, which by law were open to them. A visible as well as a real change in their domestic go. vernment might be effected. Their oppressors might be banished from the castle, or coldly received there when they appeared. The inferior tyrants who had flogged them and persecuted them, might be struck with ignominy out of the lists of the magistracy. The chancellor who had, wantonly and without provocation, insulted their religion and aspersed their morals, might be dismissed from his office with disgrace. these means of conciliation, was added a frank and unreserved disclosure of the insuperable obstacle to the imme. diate gratification of their hopes, it was fair to suppose that the catholics, though disappointed in their expectations of complete and immediate emancipation, would not rashly discard their friends, nor lose confidence in their fidelity. Mr. Fox, accordingly, made no scruple of avowing to such catholics as con. sulted him on the subject, that in his opinion it was impracticable for them at that moment to carry the question of emancipation, and he therefore advised them not to bring it forward; as the discussion of it in such circumstances could not possibly lead to any good, but might do them harm in future, by the ill will and irritation it would naturally produce on both sides. He added at the same time, that if they should determine after all to

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bring forward their petition, they might, at all times and in all situations, depend on his voice and influence in support of it. The candor and openness of this declaration,from one so zealously attached to their interest, and so well known to them for the frankness and fairness of his character, had the effect upon the catholics that was to be expected. They were satisfied with Mr. Fox's assurances, and resolved to abide by his advice.

The plan of the new ministry being at length arranged, it was submitted to the king on the 31st. of January; and on the following day lord Grenville had an audience of his majesty; at which it was under stood, that no exceptions were made by the king to any of the pro. posed appointments, but that difficulties of a most serious nature arose about the government of the army, which threatened to put an entire stop to the new arrangements. A paper it seems, was read to his majesty by lord Grenville, contain. ing some of the plans of his new mi nisters, and some account of the measures they proposed to recom. mend to him, in which it was hinted that certain changes might be necessary in the army; and lord Grenville having admitted when questioned with respect to the nature of these changes, that they related to the department of the army un der the superintendance of the duke of York, his majesty is said to have objected, that the army had been kept distinct from the other branches of the administration since the time of the first duke of Cumber. land, and had been considered as under the immediate control of the king, through the commander in chief, with out any right of interference on the

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opinions he was known to entertain of the catholic claims; and if there had been any intention of bringing that subject into immediate discussion, or any probability of being able to bring it forward in parliament as a ministerial question, there can be no doubt that the objection would have been conclusive. But, unfortunately, lord Sidmouth was not singular in his opinions upon that matter. His majesty's objections to any further concession to his catholic subjects were unabated, and as they were founded on scruples of a religious nature, they were considered by those who best knew his character, to be wholly insurmountable. But, while his majesty's scruples remained in force, it seemed to be, and was in fact, of little importance what part lord Sidmouth was disposed to take in the question, should it happen ever to come into discussion while he was in office. The real point to be considered, was, not whether Mr. Fox and lord Grenville ought to take lord Sidmouth into their administration, knowing his opinion of the catholic claims to be diametrically opposite to theirs, but whether they ought to come into office at all, without some express stipulation with their sovereign for redress of grievances to the catholics. In other words, when they foresaw that it would be impossible for them, by going into office, to carry the question of catholic emancipation, ought they not to have continued in opposition? The determination of this as of most other points of practical wisdom, where a balance must be struck between opposite inconveniences, ought to depend, in a great degree, on the collateral circumstances of the moment. It was

clear, that lord Grenville and Mr. Fox had better remain out of office, than forfeit the confidence of the catholics, and leave that numerous and powerful body, full of indignation and resentment against all parties in England, to fall a prey to the arts and machinations of France. No good that could possibly result from their administration, would compensate so great an injury to their country. But, if the catholics were willing to postpone the discussion of their claims to another season, and disposed not to petition again the same parliament, which had so recently refused to hearken to their complaints, was it necessary for Mr. Fox and lord Grenville to stand out upon a question, which they knew it was impossible for them at that moment to carry, and which those most deeply interested in its success were ready to defer till a more favourable opportunity? Important as they judged catholic emancipation to the welfare and safety of the state, was there no other service they could perform to their country?

Was it not worth trying, whether peace was unattainable? Experience had shown that every effort to reduce the power of France upon the continent, had ended;in'her further aggrandisement, and that the continuance of the war served only to increase the danger and difficulty of peace. A greater good could not be rendered to England and to the world, than the res. toration of general tranquillity, and preservation of peace, though for a few years only. Was the probable chance of being able to confer so great a blessing on mankind, to be lightly, or without the most urgent necessity, thrown away? If complete emancipation could not be procured

1

procured for the catholics, their subordinate grievances might be redressed by a constant succession of measures for their benefit, and their affections might be conciliated and their attachment to England increased, by a fair participation of all the honours, distinctions and emoluments, which by law were open to them. A visible as well as a real change in their domestic go. vernment might be effected. Their oppressors might be banished from the castle, or coldly received there when they appeared. The inferior tyrants who had flogged them and persecuted them, might be struck with ignominy out of the lists of the magistracy. The chancellor who had, wantonly and without provocation, insulted their religion and aspersed their morals, might be dismissed from his office with disgrace. If to these means of conciliation, was added a frank and unreserved disclosure of the insuperable obstacle to the immediate gratification of their hopes, it was fair to suppose that the catholics, though disappointed in their expectations of complete and immediate emancipation, would not rashly discard their friends, nor lose confidence in their fidelity. Fox, accordingly, made no scruple of avowing to such catholics as con. sulted him on the subject, that in his opinion it was impracticable for them at that moment to carry the question of emancipation, and he therefore advised them not to bring it forward; as the discussion of it in such circumstances could not possibly lead to any good, but might do them harm in future, by the ill will and irritation it would naturally produce on both sides. He added at the same time, that if they should determine after all to

Mr.

bring forward their petition, they might, at all times and in all sitaations, depend on his voice and influence in support of it. The candor and openness of this declaration, from one so zealously attached to their interest, and so well known to them for the frankness and fairness of his character, had the effect upon the catholics that was to be expected. They were satisfied with Mr. Fox's assurances, and resolved to abide by his advice.

The plan of the new ministry being at length arranged, it was submitted to the king on the 31st. of January; and on the following day lord Grenville had an audience of his majesty; at which it was under stood, that no exceptions were made by the king to any of the pro. posed appointments, but that difficulties of a most serious nature arose about the government of the army, which threatened to put an entire stop to the new arrangements. A paper it seems, was read to his majesty by lord Grenville, contain. ing some of the plans of his new mi nisters, and some account of the measures they proposed to recom. mend to him, in which it was hinted that certain changes might be necessary in the army; and lord Grenville having admitted when questioned with respect to the nature of these changes, that they related to the department of the army un der the superintendance of the duke of York, his majesty is said to have objected, that the army had been kept distinct from the other branches of the administration since the time of the first duke of Cumber. land, and had been considered as under the immediate control of the king, through the commander in chief, with out any right of interference on the

part

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