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could hardly bring themselves to look upon them or treat them as political opponents. Time could alone overcome these difficulties, and bring these two parties to act heartily in concert, and to consider their friends and interests as the

same.

Though there never was a junction of parties, which had been less the work of design and intrigue, and more the result of circumstances, and the natural course of things, than the coalition which had taken place between Mr. Fox and lord Grenville, it had produced, to a certain degree, the effect of all coalitions, on the adherents of both, by weakening and cooling their zeal and attachment to their party. It always happens, that the lower we descend in a party, the more of personal animosity and rancour we find to prevail in it, and these passions are so intimately mixed and blended in the minds of the multitude with the principles of the party, that the one cannot easily be eradicated without weakcuing or even destroying the others. When the leaders of opposite parties coalesce, their adherents, who supposed them actuated with their own passions and resentments, are commonly surprised and offended by their reconciliation, and are apt without further examination to cxclaim, that the principles for which they have contended are betrayed, It is not enough for them to be told, that the grounds of former disagreement have been changed or removed by time; that the points, on which their leaders formerly differed, and still possibly differ in opinion, have ceased to be subjects of discussion; that there exists between them, at present, no fundamental difference, on

any practical question of importance, that is likely to call for their de cision; that new questions have arisen, on which those who differ from the government, must either unite their efforts, or give up the contest, and leave the interests of their country to be disposed of at the will of the court; and that the true point for consideration is whether two parties should coalesce, in order to increase their means and ability of serving their country, or should remain separate, because they have formerly differed in opinion, or, because there are still some points on which they differ, of a speculative nature, of subordinate importance, or, confessedly unattainable at the present

moment.

That the coalition of parties leads to mutual concessions and compromise, cannot be denied ; but where is the party or association of men, united for any common purpose, whether lawful or unlawful, meritorious or blameable, where a compromise of opinions is not necessary for the existence and continuance of the party? Does any one imagine, that, because a body of men act together on every occasion, they also think alike without any shade or diference of opinion, on every question that comes before them? But, if there must be compromise of opinions in party the vindication of coalitions turns upon the question, whether party is not the best, if not the only system for supporting the cause of liberty in this country; and, however that question may be resolved, a party man cannot consistently find fault with the principle of coalition. vindicate party, and shew that it is a necessary counterpoise in our government,

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vernment, to the power and influence of the crown, it is sufficient to remark that government with us is always a party, that every placeman either gives up his opinion to the government or resigns his office. But, if every placeman, whatever be his private opinions, votes upon every question, as if he had no opinion but that of the govern. ment, how can any opposition to the measures of government be effectual, or have even the remotest chance or slightest possibility of success, unless they who disapprove of the general conduct of the government, combine together on a similar principle, and while they agree on certain fundamental tenets, make mutual concessions of opinion on subordinate questions. If such a party is formed for the mere purpose of forcing itself into place, it degenerates into a miserable faction; but, when founded on public principles, it has been found by experience, to be the safeguard and defence of our rights and liberties.

While, however, we are of opinion, that without party the power of the crown, which nominates directly or indirectly to all the offices of the government, would be abso. lute and irresistible; and that the coalition of parties is to be justified on the same ground on which party itself is to be vindicated; we admit, that great caution and deliberation ought to be used, before resolving on any particular coalition. The leader of a party has no means of resisting the weighty arguments and substantial logic of the treasury, but through the opinion, which his friends and the country entertain of his virtues and integrity. He had better, therefore, remain in oppo.

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sition, at the head of a small party devoted to his cause, than obtain a temporary victory over his opponents at the hazard of alienating and offending his friends, or of appearing to the country to have de.. serted the principles, which he has professed. It is at the same time true, that the public is often unreasonably fastidious with respect to coalitions of parties. From the severity of its judgments on that subject, men should seem to have forgotten, that there has been no strong or popular government in England since the revolution, in which individuals of the most opposite principles and most obnoxious characters have not been included. In so much, that we might be tempted to conclude from the frequency of coalitions among English parties, that it is to that cause, that party divisions are marked with less inveteracy in England, and attended with less danger to the public safety and tranquillity, than in any other free country with the history of which we are acquainted.

These general remarks, into. which we have been led on parties and coalitions, apply not, however, to the case before us. None of the inconveniences, to which we have alluded in the last paragraph, were to be apprehended in the first instance from the coalition between Mr. Fox and lord Grenville; though a sagacious observer might have foreseen, that, if Mr. Fox delayed long the execution of his plans of reform, or failed in his negotiation for peace, many of his adherents would abandon his party, and set up a separate standard for themselves; and on the other hand, it might have been safely foreD 3

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told, that if lord Grenville remain. ed faithful to his connection with Mr. Fox, many of those persons, who professed the greatest regard and attachment to him at present,

would desert him on the first intimation from the court, that there was any serious intention in that quarter of changing the administration.

CHAP.

CHAP. III.

Military System—Army of Reserve Bill-Additional Force Bill--Notice of a Motion for the Repeal of the Additional Force Bill-Petitions against it -Conversation in the House of Commons arising out of a Question put to Mr. Windham by Mr. Long-Conversation in a Committee of the House on the Army Estimates—Mr. Windham Refuses to fix a Day for bringing forward his Military Plans-Debate on the Ordnance Estimates-Debate on the Motion for Leave to bring in a Bill for the Repeal of the Additional Force Bill-Debate on the Production of Military Opinions on Enlistment for a Term of Years-Additional Force Repeal Bill-Debate on the First Reading On the Second Reading-On the Motion for going into a Committee in the Committee on the Third Reading-in the House of Lords on the Second Reading-Mutiny Bill-Debate in the House of Commons on the Clause introducing limited Service-On bringing up the Clause-On filling up the Blanks in the Clause-On the Third Reading of the Bill→ Debate in the House of Lords on the Production of Military Opinions-On the Clause of the Mutiny Bill introducing limited Service-On the Third Reading of the Mutiny Bill-Debates in the House of Commons on the Chelsea Hospital Bill-The training Bill-The Volunteer Officers' Bill -and Militia Officers' Bill-Increase of Pay to Infantry Officers, and to Officers and petty Officers of the Navy-Greenwich Hospital Bill Foreign Troops Enlisment Bill.

WE shall proceed, in the next

place, to give an account of the measures of the new ministers, and, first, of those submitted to the consideration of parliament; beginning with their military arrangements; which, in our opinion, ofall their legislative regulations, were the most important in their object, the most wise in their contrivance, the most beneficial in their tendency, and considering the formidable opposition made to them, the most creditable to the character of the administration.

No subject had, of late years, so frequently engaged the attention of parliament, as to devise a mode of increasing and recruiting the army, effectual for the attainment of its object and suited to the circumstances of the country. Project after project had been proposed. Experiment after experiment had been tried. The coarsest instruments had been used till they were worn out, and the most complicated machinery had been resorted to, without success. Every possible variety of form had been given to our military D 4 establishments,

establishments, as if our rulers had been desirous of indulging a speculative curiosity to contemplate their subject under every aspect it could assume, or had been unable to judge, without inspection, of the species of military force, best adapted for the defence of their country and annoyance of its enemies. It is the merit of Mr. Windham, to whom this departement of the public service was committed by the new administration, that, abandoning the complex plans and visionary speculations of his immediate predecessors, without recurring to the severe and odious system of the former ministry, he trusted to the simple and obvious expedient of bettering the condition and prospects of the soldiery, for the future increase and supply of the army; on the sound and universally acknowledged principle, that, wherever men are wanted for any occupation in society, they may be obtained for that service, by holding out to them a suitable encouragement; and in no other way, except by compulsion. If

any fault or imperfection were to be pointed out in the system recommended by Mr. Windham, and adopted by parliament, it would be, that the encouragement held out to the military profession, was still insufficient, and inadequate to the expectations, which men of the same rank in life with the soldiery, may look forward to, with reasonable confidence, in other occupations. We particularly allude to the smallness of the pensions allotted to soldiers disabled by their wounds, or having completed their periods of service We think also, that hono. rary distictions might have been introduced, with peculiar effect, among the inducements to enter a profession, where a sense of honour ought to be the predominant feeling. But, whatever defects may exist in the details and subordinate provisions of Mr. Windham's system, we are convinced that the principle of it is sound, and that he, who shall depart from it, will render a material disservice to his country.* The army of reserve bill, the first

measure

*On a subject of this nature no argument is so conclusive as the evidence of facts. We therefore subjoin the following statements, from the adjutant general's returns of the number of recruits raised half yearly (exclusive of foreign and colonial corps) during the years 1805, 1806, and 1807.

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It is to be observed, that of the number of men raised by ordinary recruiting in the first half of 1805, there were 3089 raised by officers recruiting for rank in the cavalry. It is also to be recollected, that after midsummer, 1807, the operation of Mr. Windham's system was disturbed by the new ballot for the militia. The first half of 1807 is therefore the period by which we are to judge of its effects, after it began to be understood by the country; and from the preceding returns, it appears, that the number of recruits raised during that period, by Mr. Wind

ham's

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