selves. He should be happy that the right honourable gentleman would state on what occasion he had heard them so represent themselves. It was impossible that they could have said so, when they saw the right honourable gentleman on the other side of the house. It would be ridiculous in any person to insinuate that ministry comprised all the talent of the country, when the right honourable gentleman was out of office. Not only the right honourable gentleman, but his col leagues on the same bench with him, had made such a representation impossible, particularly by the display of talent which they had already made in opposition.If some of the friends of the present administration, thinking too highly of their merits, had, from prejudice or partiality, so described them, he thought it was hardly for the friends of the right honourable gentleman, lately deccased (Mr. Pitt) and least of all for the gentle man opposite (Mr. Canning) to object to that species of panegyric." After pointing out the inconsistency of Mr. Canning, in first declaring that he had no confidence in the secretary for the war department, and then requiring that right honourable gentleman to make a premature disclosure to him of his plans, he proceeded to contrast the opinion now expressed of his right honourable friend, with the endeavours used to make him take a part in the late administration, when it was forming. He reminded the gentlemen opposite, that when Mr. Pitt came last into office, he did not, for four weeks after his return to power, bring in his additional force bill; though in that case a single act only was to be in

troduced; here there was a new system to be founded. Then, however, no objection of delay was started, neither were any premature enquiries made into the nature of the plan which he had in contemplation to introduce. The right honourable secretary declared, he could figure no reason for putting a question like the present, but a wish to embarrass." What good motive could the persisting in it proceed from, when his right honourable friend had stated, that he was not quite ready to bring forward his measure? What advantage could arise from a premature declaration, similar to that now required? From what good motive could the wish to procure such a declaration proceed? If his right honourable friend had begun by moving the repeal of the additional force act, would not the right honourable gentleman have argued, that till a substitute was provided in its stead, that act should be allowed to take its course? and, if his right honourable friend now said, that that act formed no part of his plan, did it not follow, that this was not the time to investigate or discuss its merits."

We have been more diffuse in our account of these preliminary skirmishes, than their importance, perhaps, strictly merits, but we were desirous of enabling our readers, by these extracts from the parliamentary debates, to judge for themselves of the spirit of carping hostility which marked, on so many occasions, the conduct of opposition during the present session, particularly in discussions, where the secretary for the war department was in any manner concerned.

On the 3d of April Mr. Windham introduced the subject of his

new military arrangements, by state ing, that the expectations enter.. tained on the other side of the house, that some radical change in our military system, would be the consequence of the present ministers coming into power, were reasonable and just, and warranted by the language of himself and his friends when in opposition; but that the expectation of some immediate change following, without the smallest delay, his own appointment to office, was neither justified by his past declarations, nor countenanced by the nature of the proceedings he had uniformly recommended; that it had never been his object to limit our views to a temporary expedient to meet the prescnt exigency, but to provide a permanent security against a permanent danger; that in the measures he was about to recommend," care was of more importance than time, and it was better that whatever was done should be done rightly, than that it should be done speedily." After somesarcastic and ludicrous observations on the conduct of the gentlemen opposite, who after having “clubbed the battalion," er, in other words, thrown every thing into disorder, seemed to exult in the confusion they had made, he proceeded to his main argument, the purport of which was to shew, that the defence and security of civilized nations must depend entirely on the excellence of their regular armies; that no species of irregular force could be employed with any chance of success against regular troops, except in very peculiar circumstances, which were totally inapplicable to the warfare between France and England; that to mix irregular

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with regular battalions, volunteers with troops of the line, would expose to certain destruction the army where such an expedient was resorted to; and that, consequently, the great object to which our attention should be directed for manent security against invasion, was the increase and improvement of our regular army. The supe riority of an army over every species of irregular force being esta blished, the next question was, how were we to recruit that army, and augment it to the number necessary for defence. There were only two modes by which an army could be recruited force or choice." Force, Mr. Windham shewed, was peculiarly unfitted for England, where its operation would be at once less efficacious and more oppressive, than in countries subject to arbitrary government. But, force being excluded, choice, or voluntary enlistment, was the only means left us for procuring soldiers, and we were then to consider, how it might be made effectual for that purpose. If we inquired why, of late years, this instrument had failed in England (for it used not formerly to be inefficacious) we should find that the military profession in this country was not sufficiently rewarded, when compared with the other occupations open to the lower orders, and was, therefore, considered by the body of the people as less eligible than other callings. The necessity for bountics to procure soldiers, shewed that the service of the army did not stand upon its true footing; for there was no other profession to which it was necessary to allure men by such means. Comparing govern.

people to the buyers of manufac. tured goods, our government was one that carried an inferior article to market, and was, therefore, compelled to give a premium to its subjects, in order to induce them to become purchasers of its wares, or it had recourse to artifice and deception, in order to tempt the ignorant and the thoughtless to be its customers. Nothing, then remained, if we were to have an army by voluntary enlistment, but to improve the trade of a soldier, and to bring it into fair competition with a sufficient portion of the trades and callings of the lower orders; and, till this was done, we should be striving in vain, in the hopeless task of persuading men to embrace a profession, in opposition to those motives which usually decide them in the choice of one. On this principle, then, did Mr. Windham mean to found his plan for recruiting the army. He would improve the article which government had to dispose of, and he trusted, when that was done, there would no longer be any complaints heard of the want of purchasers.

To reduce these principles to prac tice it behoved us to consider what was the most eligible mode of improving the condition of the soldiery, so as to render the military profession an object of general desire among the people. The most simple and obvious expedient was to raise the pay of the army, and no doubt we might carry that principle so far as to ensure an abundant supply of soldiers. But besides the objections on the score of expence, the pay of an army cannot be increased to a great extent without rendering the troops licentious, and

licentious, a severity of discipline must be resorted to which deters from enlisting. Little therefore was to be done by encreasing the pay of the army, though much might be effected by encouragement of a different sort.

A better provision might be made for those persons who were disabled from further service by their wounds, infirmities or age. The severity of discipline might be lessened without relaxing its strictmess. But the great change which he proposed to introduce in the army was in the terms of its engagement. Instead of an engagement to serve for life he proposed that the soldiers in future, should be enlisted to serve for a term of years. Such was the system of service, he said, in all the states of Europe, except in England, and in part even of our army the same system was established. No inconvenience had any where resulted from it, while its tendency to make men enter more willingly into the army was obvious and apparent.

He proposed therefore, that the term of military service should be divided into three periods, of seven years each for the infantry; and for the cavalry and artillery the first period to be of ten years, the second of six years, and the third of five years. At the end of every period the soldier should have a right to claim his discharge. If he left the army at the end of the first period, he should be entitled to exercise his trade or calling in any town of Great Britain or Ireland; if at the end of the second period, he should be entitled, besides, to ́a pension for life; and at the end of the third period, after a service of twen

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ty-one years, he should be discharged from the army, with the full allowance of Chelsea, which by judicious regulations might be raised to a shilling a day. If he was wounded or disabled in the service, he should receive the same pension as if he had served out the full term. During the second period he should also receive sixpence a week of additional pay, and during the third period a shilling a week. Desertion might be punished by the loss of so many years service, and though corporal punishments could not be banished entirely from the army, they might be diminished both in number and in severity. By these means a better description of men would be induced to enter the army; the profession of a soldier would rise in the estimation of the country; desertion would become less frequent; and, though the necessity for bounties could not be expected to cease immediately, the bounties would begin soon,in the language of 'Change Alley, to be looking down ;" and if the system, now recommended, was steadily pursued and faithfully adhered to, the army would be placed in a situation, where its own attractions would be the only bounty required for recruiting its ranks and procuring for it any number of men, which the exigencies of the state might require.

After explaining the principles and defending the expediency of these measures with equal force of argument and felicity and copiousness of illustration, Mr. Windham proceeded to anticipate some of the objections, and remove some of the difficulties, that stood in the way of his plan. The additional expence, to which it would lead, had been greatly over rated, on the false prin VOL. XLVIII.

ciple, that the present high bounties would always continue, and that at the conclusion of every term of service it would be necessary to repeat them. Expence at any rate was a secondary object when placed in competition with security and the only fair question was, whether the end could be attained by cheaper means. It had been erroneously stated, that according to the provisions of this plan, we should be liable to lose at once a seventh part of our whole army. But they who made that calculation had forgotten to take casualties into the account; and, besides, it was unreasonable to suppose, that of those entitled to their discharge, none would enlist again for another period. A discretionary power, however, might be given to government, in time of war, to retain men for six months in the service, after the term of their engagement was expired. A more serious difficulty had been started with respect to the embarrassments, which this change of system might occasion in our foreign and colonial service; but expedients would be found to remedy this objection, and we had proof at any rate, from the example of the East India Company, whose troops are enlisted for a term of years, that the inconvenience is less in practice than it appears to be in theory. To the question put to him, what he intended to do with our present army. Mr. Windham replied, that in strict justice the existing army was entitled to no other con ditions than those on which the soldiers composing it had engaged to serve; but that he meant to make an increase, in their favour, of the Chelsea allowance, and to extend to those who had served seven years, the addition of sixpence, and E