jesty the emperor of the French, king of Italy, to declare to the Sublime Porte, that not only the principles of friendship, but those of the strictest neutrality, require that the Bosphorus should be shut against all Russian ships of war, as well as against every other vessel of that nation, bringing troops, ammuni. tion, or provisions; and that the same passage cannot be opened to them, without committing an act of hostility against France, and without giving his majesty Napoleon the great, a right of passage over the territories of the Ottoman empire, in order to combat with the Russian army on the banks of the Dniester. Any renewal or continuation of alliance with the enemics of France, such as England and Russia, would be not only a manifest violation of the neutrality, but an accession on the part of the Sublime Porte to the war which those powers wage against France, and his majesty would see himself compelled to take measures conformable to his interests and his dignity. The Sublime Porte cannot maintain her relations with two missions from Naples, and his majesty the emperor of the French cannot suffer his august brother, Napoleon Joseph, king of Naples and the Two Sicilies, to meet with difficulties here which he does not experience from any power in amity with France. His majesty the emperor has a large army in Dalmatia: this army is collected for the defence of the Ottoman empire, unless an equivocal conduct on the part of the Porte, and a condescension towards Russia and England, which might again throw her into their power, should compel his majesty the em peror of the French, to bring forward his formidable forces for a purpose totally opposite to that which he had in view. His majesty has ordered the undersigned to state to the Sublime Porte, in the most friendly though energetic manner, these demands, for the purpose of obtaining an answer in writing, and it is expected that this answer shall be positive and categorical. No further delay can be allowed; and his majesty has no doubt that the Sublime Porte will give him the assurances he desires, and which are so much in unison with the interests of the Ottoman empire. The undersigned has no wish to make a vain display of the formidable forces of the great Napoleon; his friends know how to estimate their importance; his enemies have felt their power. The genius of his august master is well known; his determinations are wise and prompt, his personal attachment to his highness is sincere. He only seeks the independence, the integrity, and the glory of Turkey. He desires nothing. He asks nothing. What inducements to an union with him! At the same time what reason to apprehend the loss of his good will, by adopting a timid, uncertain, or inimical line of conduct! Under these circumstances the answer of the Sublime Porte will regulate the conduct of my august master. Let not the threats of the enemies of France impose on the Sublime Porte; they have been vanquished, and they will ever be so. The great Napoleon will employ all his resources for the glory of his highness Selim III. his friend; and as his resources are immense, his genius is still greater. Declaration of his Britannic Majesty. The negotiations in which his majesty has been engaged with France having terminated unsuccessfully, his majesty thinks proper to make this public declaration to his subjects and to Europe, of the circumstances which have led to an issue which his majesty deeply regrets. He has no object nearer to his heart than the conclusion of a secure and permanent peace. He laments the continuance of a war affecting the happiness of so many nations, and which, even amidst all the successes that attend his arms, is so burthensome to his faithful and affectionate people. But he is confident that there can arise on this occasion no other sentiments, either in his own dominions, or in any part of Europe, than that of an in. creased conviction, that the restoration of general tranquillity is retarded only by the injustice and ambition of the enemy. The French government, unsatisfied with its immense acquisitions on the continent, still openly perseveres a system destructive of the independence of every other power. War is pursued, not for security, but for conquest; and negotiations for peace appear to be entered into for no other object than that of deluding the neighbouring powers into a state of false security, while France is herself preparing, arranging, and executing, her unremitted projects of encroachment and aggression. Her conduct in the recent discussions has afforded but too many proofs of this disposition. The negotiation originated in an offer made by the French government, of treating for peace on the basis of actual possession, which was stated to admit of mutual compensa. tion; and a distinct assurance was added, that his majesty's German dominions, which had been attacked without even the pretence of any cause of hostility, should be restored. Such a proposal appeared to his majesty to afford a just foundation for negotiating: It was, therefore, accepted, with this reserve, that the negotiations should be conducted by his majesty in concert with his allies. No sooner had this basis been mu tually admitted, than it was departed from by the enemy, and that too in points of so great importance, as to call for an immediate declaration on the part of his majesty, that unless the principle proposed by France herself were adhered to, the communications which had been opened between the two governments must at once be closed. This produced new professions of the disposition of France to make considerable sacrifices for the attainment of peace, if the discussions were suffered to proceed; at the same time that a difficulty was started on account of the want of full powers in the person intrusted by his majesty with this communication. Steps Steps were thereupon taken by his majesty for opening a regular negotiation by ministers duly au thorized, in order to ascertain, in a manner the most satisfactory and authentic, whether peace could be obtained on terms honourable to the king and his allies, and consistent with the general security of Europe. During these proceedings, a minister, sent by the emperor of Russia to treat for the same important object, in concert with his majesty's government, was induced, by the artifices of the enemy, to sign a separate treaty, on terms equally repugnant to the honour and interests of his imperial majesty. Unmoved by this unexpected event, the king continued to nego. tiate precisely on the same principles as before. He relied with a confidence which experience has amply justified, on the good faith and steadiness of an ally, in concert with whom he had begun to treat, and whose interests he had maintained throughout with the same firmness as his own. The French government, on the contrary, elated with this advantage, of which it boasted as equal in importance to the most decisive victory, departed in every conference more and more widely from its own offers and engagements. Not only did it take upon itself to change at its own will the basis of the negotiation with Great Britain, but it violated, in points, still more important, every principle of good faith with Russia. The chief in. ducement offered to that power as the price of all the sacrifices extorted from her minister, had been the preservation of Germany. Yet, before the decision of Russia on this treaty could be known, France had already annihilated the whole frame and constitution of the Germanic empire; had reduced under her own yoke a large proportion of the states and provinces of Germany; and, not content with this open contempt of obligations so recently contracted, had at the same time instigated the Porte to measures directly subversive of her subsisting engagements with Russia. While such conduct was pursued towards his majesty, towards his allies, and towards all independent powers, there appeared so little hope of any favourable issue to the negotiation, that his majesty's plenipotentiaries demanded their passports to return to England. This demand was at first eluded by an unusual and unexplained delay, and the French government, afterwards, by some material concessions, accompanied with intimations, that others of still greater consequence might be the result of further discussion, procured a renewal of the conferences, which were protracted from day to day, till at length it was announced at Paris that the emperor of Russia had indignantly rejected the unauthorised and separate treaty signed by his minister. In consequence of this important event, the strongest assurances were given to his majesty's minister, that France was now prepared to make sacrifices to a great extent, in order, by securing peace with Great Britain, to re-establish the tranquillity of the world. The object of these assurances appeared, however, to be that of engaging his majesty to a separate negotiation, to the exclusion of his allies; a proposal which his majesty had had rejected in the outset, and, which he could still less admit of at a time when the conduct of Russia had imposed on him an increased obligation not to separate his interests from those of so faithful an ally. To these insidious overtures, his majesty steadily refused to listen; but he took the most effectual method to avoid all appearance of delay, and to accelerate, if possible, the favourable issue of the negotiation. The confidential intercourse which he had constantly maintained with Russia, enabled his majesty to specify the terms on which peace with that power might be obtained; and his minister was accordingly instructed to state to France, in addition to his own demands, those of his ally, to reduce them into distinct articles, and even to conclude on those grounds a provisional treaty, to take effect whenever Russia should signify her accession. This form of negotiating was, after some objection, acceded to by France. Terms were now offered to his majesty more nearly approaching than before to the original basis of negotiation; but they were still far short of what his majesty had uniformly insisted on, and was now more than ever en titled to expect; and the decisive rejection of the just demands of Russia, as well as of the conditions proposed by his majesty in behalf of his other allies, left to his majesty no other course than that of ordering his minister to terminate the discussion and returu to England. The foregoing short and simple exposition of facts stands in need of no comment. The first overtures which led to negotiation were made by the enemy, and they were accepted by his majesty in the sincerest spirit of peace. Every opening which seemed to afford the most distant prospect of accommodation has been anxiously embraced, nor was the negotiation finally broken off while any hope of a favourable issue could be entertain. ed. His majesty's demands were uniformably just and reasonable; directed to no objects of personal aggrandizement, but to such only as were indispensibly required by the honour of his crown, his engagements to his allies, and a due consideration of the general interests of Europe. It is with heartfelt concern that his majesty contemplates the continuance of those evils always inseparable from a state of war; but it is with his enemies that this awful responsibility rests; and for the issue of the contest his majesty trusts, with confidence, to the jus. tice of his cause; to the resources and bravery of his people; to the fidelity of his allies; and, above all, to the protection and support of the divine providence. In contributing to the great efforts which such a contest must unavoidably require, his faithful and affectionate subjects will not forget that all their dearest interests are at stake; that no sacrifices they can be called upon to make, are to be compared with the cer tain disgrace and ruin of yielding to the injurious pretensions of the enemy; that with the inviolable maintenance of the good faith and public honour of their country, its prosperity, its strength, and its independence, are essentially con nected; nected; and that, in asserting the rights, and upholding the dignity of the British empire, they defend the most powerful bulwark of the liberties of makind. M.D'Oubril's Treaty, signed the 8th (20th) of July, with General Clarke, appointed Plenipotentiary for that Purpose by the French Government. 1. Krom the present day 'there shall be peace and friendship for ever between his majesty the emperor of Russia, and his majesty the emperor of France and king of Italy, their heirs and successors, their empires and subjects. 2. As a consequence of the first article, all hostilities, both by sea and land, shall cease between the two nations; the necessary orders for which shall be issued within twenty-four hours after signing the present convention. All ships of war, and other vessels, belonging to either of the two powers, or their subjects, that shall be taken after the signing of this convention in any part of the world, shall be restored to the owners. 3. The Russian troops shall give up to the French the country known by the name of Bocca di Cattaro, as also Dalmatia, which, by the fourth article of the treaty of Presburg, belongs to his French imperial majesty as king of Italy. Every faci lity shall be afforded the Russian troops for the evacuation of Cattaro, as also of the Ragusan territory, Montenegro, and Dalmatia, if the circumstances of the war should have occasioned them to occupy those territories. Immediately after this convention shall be ratified, the 1 commanders of the two powers by land and sea shall enter into an agreement with respect to the marching out of the troops, and the sur render of the country. 4. His majesty the emperor of France and king of Italy consents, at the request of the emperor of all the Russias, I. To restore the republic of Ragusa to its former independence, under the condition that it shall enjoy, as heretofore, the protection of the Ottoman Porte. The French shall retain the position of Stagno, the Peninsula Sabionello, to secure the communication with Cattaro. on |