contracting parties engage to protect it and the integrity of its possessions.

7. As soon as, in consequence of the concluding of the present convention, orders shall have been given for the troops to leave the Bocca di Cattaro, all occasion of hostilities being removed, the French troops shall retire from Germany, his majesty the emperor Napoleon declares, that within three months after the signing of the treaty, all his troops shall have returned to France.

8. Both the high contracting powers shall employ their good offices to terminate, as speedily as possible, the war between Prussia and Sweden,

9. As the two high contracting powers wish, as much as depends upon them, to hasten the peace by sea, his French imperial majesty will willingly accept the good offers of his Russian imperial majesty for the attainment of that object.

10. The commercial relations between the subjects of the two empires shall be restored to the same footing on which they were before the breaking out of the hostilities by which they were disturbed and separated.

11. All prisoners of both nations shall be delivered up to the agents of the respective governments, without exception, as soon as the ratifications shall be exchanged.

12. The regulations of the misSions and ceremonials, between the two high contracting powers shall be placed on the same footing as be fore the war.

13. The ratifications of this convention shall be exchanged at St. Petersburgh within twenty-five days, by plenipotentiaries appointed on sach side.

His imperial majesty has been pleased to lay this act of pacification before a council summoned specially for that purpose, that it might be compared both with the instructions given to M. d'Oubril here, and with the orders sent to him at Vienna, before his departure from that city; and it has appeared that the counsellor of state, d'Oubril, when he signed the convention, had not only departed from the instructions he had received, but had acted directly contrary to the sense and intention of the commission given him.

The imperial council, with a com.. mon feeling for the honour of the country, and abiding by the known principles of his imperial majesty, which are founded in the strictest justice, have declared as their common opinion, that this act, which is not conformable to the views of his imperial majesty, cannot receive his majesty's ratification; and his imperial majesty has ordered this to be notified to the French government. His majesty, at the same time, has signified his willingness to renew the negotiations for peace, but only on such principles as are suitable to the dignity of his majesty.

The ministry for foreign affairs: has made an official communication on this subject to all the foreign ministers accredited to this court.

"Being actuated by a solicitude for the preservation of Europe in a state of calm and tranquillity, and animated by a sincere desire to put an end to misunderstanding, and reestablish peace with Frante on solid bases, we have considered it proper to commit this task to a person enjoying our confidence. For that purpose we have nominated, appointed, and authorised our trusty and well beloved Pierre d' Oubril, counsellor of state, and knight of the orders of St. Wolodimir, of the third class, of St. Anue of the second, and of St. John of Jerusalem, whom we do nominate, appoint, and authorize by these presents, for the purpose and to the intent of enter. ing into conference with the person or persons who shall be properly authorised on the part of theFrench government, and of concluding and signing with them an act or convention upon bases proper for the settlement of the peace which is to be established between Russia and France, and to lay the foundation of peace between the other belligerent powers of Europe.

We promise on our imperial word, to take for granted, and to execute faithfully, all that shall be agreed upon and signed by our said plenipotentiary, and also to give our imperial ratification within the time which shall be agreed upon.

"In testimony of which we have signed these full powers, and have affixed thereto the seal of our empire.

"Given at St. Petersburgh, the 30th of April, 1806, and in the 6th year of our reign.

Alexander.

(Certified to be translated conformably to the original.)

Pierre d'Oubril."

Russian Manifesto."

We, Alexander I. by the grace of God, emperor and autocrat of allRussia, &c. &c. &c.

To all our faithful subjects be it known;

While we, in pursuance of our incessant anxiety for the internal prosperity of our earpire, have directed our constant attention to its external relations, it has uniformly been our wish to establish it upon the solid basis of the public interest and to maintain it by alliances suited to the situation and circumstances of our country.

In this view we thought it proper, at the commencement of our reign, to remove the causes of the misunderstandings which then existed, and to unite ourselves in friendly intercourse with those powers whose wise and moderate principles were most consistent with your in-, dependence, and with the general tranquillity. The omnipotent favoured our wishes, in restoring a general peace throughout Europe.

But it was not consistent with his inscrutable purposes to continue this state of things. The war broke

out anew.

Although, from our situation, we took no immediate share in this war,` yet, agreeably to alliances and to the fixed principles of attachment to the common interest and tranquillity by which we were actuated, we never ceased to wish for the restoration of peace, and to labour, by pacific negotiations, to obtain that

In the midst of these negotiations, the daily incroachments of the French governmetrt, its spirit of aggrandisement, and its unbounded ambition, which threatened to swallow up our allies, at last compelled us to take an active part in the

war

We took up arms, but never ceased to wish for peace. We therefore announced, by our ukases of the 1st of September, 1805, that the object of our arming was to maintain the faith of our alliances, and to re-establish a general peace.

The misfortune which attended the arms of the allies disappointed our intentions, but the principles on which we acted are not changed. The French government, in the beginning of the present year, shewed a disposition towards pacific approximations. We gave orders to enter into discussions upon the subject.

The restoration of peace, which ́should combine the security of our empire with the interests of our allies, and with the general tranquillity of Europe, was laid down as the principles of the discussions.

But to our regret the condition of the treaty concluded with France neither corresponded with the dignity of our empire nor with the interests of our allies. We there fore refused to ratify those conditions.

In order, nevertheless, to demonstrate the unalterabie principles by which we are actuated, and which, under all events, we have kept steadily in view, we have at the same time explained the means and the principles in conformity to which we are disposed again to open negotiations with the French government.

The principles which we have proposed are on the one hand so moderate that they cannot be rejected without a menace to the general security, and on the other hand so conformable to the interests of all the powers concerned, that if they are accepted a general and lasting peace may be again restored to Europe.

Either peace or a continuance of war must necessarily be the result of this measure. We wish for peace, but if a durable peace, and one grounded upon reciprocal advantages cannot be attained, we shall account it a sacred duty which we owe to the honour of the Russian name, to the security of the country, to our faith pledged by treaties, to the general preservation of Europe, to abandon all pacific proceedings, and to make those exertions which all those considerations render indispensable.

We are persuaded, that the providence of the most high, who is the protector of truth, will defend our just cause with his strong arm.

We are persuaded that our faithful subjects, animated at all times with love for their country, actuated at all times with a spirit of honour, and sentiments of bravery, all surrounded with great examples of patriotic zeal, will unite their exertions with ours when called upon by the security of Russia, by the voice of fame, and by our commands to co-operate for the general weal.

In this firm persuasion, depending upon the aid of the Almighty, and the zeal of our faithful subjects, we have thought it necessary to announce to you beforehand our intentions, thereby to give you a fresh proof that in none of our under

takings

As his majesty the king of Prussia has taken up arms for, the defence of his people, he thinks it necessary to lay before them and all Europe, the circumstances which have imposed this duty on his ma. jesty.

The politics of France have been the scourge of humanity during the last fifteen years. Those men who, in rapid succession, have been at the head of affairs in that country, have only sought the means of their dominion in war, and the guarantee of their existence in the wretchedness of the people, may be viewed without astonishment. But the introduction of a regular government, to which the same necessity could not be imputed, gave new life to the hopes of the friends of peace. poleon, invested with the supreme power, victorious, surrounded by weaker states, friendly disposed governments, or conquered and exhausted rivals, had it in his power to perform a better part. For the greatness of France nothing more remained for him to do; for her

Na

happiness every thing was in his power.

It is painful to be compelled to say, that French politics still remained the same. An insatiable ambition was still the ruling passion of France. She made use of arms and of treaties with the same view. The peace of Amiens was scarcely concluded, before the signal for the first acts of violence followed. Holland and Switzerland, two independent states, were compelled to accept a constitution which converted them into French provinces. The renewal of war was the consequence.

Peace, however, still continued upon the continent. The German empire had purchased it by incalculable sacrifices. In the midst of this peace, nevertheless, the French troops invaded the electorate of Hanover; a country which had no concern in the war between France and England, while the ports of Germany were shut against the British flag; and the better to effect her object, France took possession of Cuxhaven, and the territory of a free state, which was still more a stranger to war than Hanover.

In the midst of this peace also, the same troops a few months after, violated the German territory, in such manner as to wound the honour of the nation still deeper. The Ger mans have never avenged the death of the duke d'Enghein; but the remembrance of that event will never be extinguished among them.

The treaty of Luneville guaranteed the independence of the Italian republic. In spite of the most po sitive promises did Napoleon place the iron crown of Italy upon his own head. Genoa was corporated

with France. Lucca was very near sharing the same fate. Only a few months before had the emperor, on a solemn occasion-an occasion which imposed very important duties upon him-declared, before his people and before all Europe, that he wished not to extend the limits of his territory. Besides, France was bound, by a treaty with Russia, to put the king of Sardinia in possession of indemnities in Italy. Instead of fulfilling that obligation, she made herself mistress of every object which could have been serviceable towards that indemnification.

Portugal wished to maintain her neutrality, but Portugal was compelled to purchase, by gold, the deceitful security of a few moments.

The Porte, who had not forgot. ten the invasion of Syria and Egypt, was the only power remaining in Europe, which had not been subjected to the arbitrary proceedings of France.

But to these acts of violence, a system of abuse and injury remained still to be added. A journal, which proclaimed itself the voice of go. vernment, was chosen as a chro. nicle of the attacks incessantly made upon every crowned head.

Prussia could be no stranger to any of those general acts of oppression. Many of them were nearly connected with her substantial interests; especially as the wisdom of that system which considers the states of Europe as members of the same family, calls upon each of them for the defence of all; and that the unbounded aggrandizement of one state exposed the rest to danger, was sufficiently manifest to experience.

Still it is most essentially neces-
VOL. XLVIII.

sary, to represent in what manner the conduct of France was calculated to operate in its immediate relation to Prussia.

It were superfluous to enumerate all the good offices rendered to Napoleon by Prussia. Prussia was the first power that acknowledged him. No promises, no menaces had been able to shake the king's neutrality. every thing that the duty of a good neighbour could prescribe, was most amply afforded during a period of six years. Prussia esteemed a valiant nation, which also had learned, on its part, to respect Prussia both in war and peace; and she did justice to the genius of its chief. But the remembrance of these times is no longer retained by Napoleon.

Prussia had permitted the territory of Hanover to be invaded. In this she had countenanced an act of injustice; therefore was it her first view to remedy it. She offered her self for it instead of Engiand, under the condition that the latter should cede it. It must, however, at least be recollected, that thus a boundary was prescribed to France, which she should not pass. Napoleon solemnly pledged himself not to compromise the neutrality of the northern states; to exercise no violence towards any of them; and, in particular, not to increase the number of troops in the electorate of Hano

ver.

Scarcely had he agreed to these stipulations, than he broke them. Every one is acquainted with the violent manner in which sir George Rumbold was seized; every one knows that the Hanse Towns were laid under contribution, under the appellation of loans, not by any means for their interest, but exactly in the same manner as if France had 3 F been